Victory, peace, and justice : the neglected trinity

The assumption that the most important aim of war is to create a better peace than existed before the war, i.e. a peace with justice, was self-evident for writers prior to Clausewitz. This does not mean that princes saw this as their priority, but theoreticians did. This changed dramatically with the Napoleonic Wars: Clausewitz initiated an era where writers on strategy paid no heed to what would come after military victory, now seen as the be-all and end-all of war. Terrible consequences flowed from this, and a series of ephemeral victories leading to new wars. It was only around the Second World War, to some in itself the consequence of this obsession with victory and not with peace, that it began to dawn on writers that peace, not military victory must be the ultimate aim to be kept in sight.

Introduction: power after peace

The chapter provides a substantive conceptual introduction to the volume, examining what is meant by the concept of "political economy of statebuilding", and what the implications for the study of statebuilding are

Breaching the social contract: crises of democratic representation and patterns of extreme right party support

Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-WWII Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by (a) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain and (b) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis, i.e. economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.

Democratic Deficit in the EU : Towards Parliamentary Democracy?!

Nowadays, the western societies are based on parliamentary democracy. Therefore, weak legislative power of the European Parliament is alleged for the democratic deficit in the EU. How it can be possible that the parliamentary democracy which is practiced on the national level can be achieved beyond the nation-states without diminishing the democracy at the nation-states? If not, how legitimacy can be obtained so that the continued existence and expansion of the EU should be justified? Since expectations for democratization of the EU are still unmet, finding answers to the actual questions is a great appeal. The thesis will explore the fundamental debates and arguments contributing to the democracy in the EU through the parliaments. I will try to reflect to the different ways of thinking and the prospects of establishing parliamentary democracy beyond the nation states.

The Evolution of a Responsibility to Protect in Africa : The African Unions Emerging Peace and Security Regime

The thesis focuses on, and tries to evaluate, the role that the African Union (AU) plays in protecting the peace and security on the African continent. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the topic by both utilizing international relations and international law theories. The two disciplines are combined in an attempt to understand the evolution of the AU’s commitment to the pragmatist doctrine: responsibility to protect (R2P). The AU charter is considered to be the first international law document to cover R2P as it allows the AU to interfere in the internal affairs of its member states. The R2P doctrine was evolved around the notion of a need to arrive at a consensus in regard to the right to intervene in the face of humanitarian emergencies. A part of the post-Cold War shift in UN behaviour has been to support local solutions to local problems. Hereby the UN acts in collaboration with regional organizations, such as the AU, to achieve the shared aspirations to maintain international peace and security without getting directly involved on the ground. The R2P takes a more holistic and long-term approach to interventions by including an awareness of the need to address the root causes of the crisis in order to prevent future resurrections of conflicts. The doctrine also acknowledges the responsibility of the international community and the intervening parties to actively participate in the rebuilding of the post-conflict state. This requires sustained and well planned support to ensure the development of a stable society.While the AU is committed to implementing R2P, many of the AU’s members are struggling, both ideologically and practically, to uphold the foundations on which legitimate intervention rests, such as the protection of human rights and good governance. The fact that many members are also among the poorest countries in the world adds to the challenges facing the AU. A lack of human and material resources leads to a situation where few countries are willing, or able, to support a long-term commitment to humanitarian interventions. Bad planning and unclear mandates also limit the effectiveness of the interventions. This leaves the AU strongly dependent on regional powerbrokers such as Nigeria and South Africa, which in itself creates new problems in regard to the motivations behind interventions. The current AU charter does not provide sufficient checks and balances to ensure that national interests are not furthered through humanitarian interventions. The lack of resources within the AU also generates worries over what pressure foreign nations and other international actors apply through donor funding. It is impossible for the principle of “local solutions for local problems? to gain ground while this donor conditionality exists.The future of the AU peace and security regime is not established since it still is a work in progress. The direction that these developments will take depends on a wide verity of factors, many of which are beyond the immediate control of the AU.

A Consumer Surplus Estimate of Peace & Love festival in Borlänge : A Travel Cost Approach

This thesis uses zonal travel cost method (ZTCM) to estimate consumer surplus of Peace & Love festival in Borlänge, Sweden. The study defines counties as zones of origin of the visitors. Visiting rates from each zone are estimated based on survey data. The study is novel due to the fact that mostly TCM has been applied in the environmental and recreational sector, not for short term events, like P&L festival. The analysis shows that travel cost has a significantly negative effect on visiting rate as expected. Even though income has previously shown to be significant in similar studies, it turns out to be insignificant in this study. A point estimate for the total consumer surplus of P&L festival is 35.6 million Swedish kronor. However, this point estimate is associated with high uncertainty since a 95 % confidence interval for it is (17.9, 53.2). It is also important to note that the estimated value only represents one part of the total economic value, the other values of the festival's totaleconomic value have not been estimated in this thesis.

Processes of feelings in a society with a violent past : A qualitative study of the communication for Societal healing in the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Sri Lanka and Ghana between 2002-2011

The research investigates in what extent and how communication for meeting feelings is provided in Truth Commission work. It examines if and in what way feelings are addressed in the communication officially published by the Truth Commissions in East Timor, Ghana and Sri Lanka, occurring between 2002-2011. The research is also looking at the healing processes in a time perspective to find out if there is a communication for Societal healing to be continued in a longer term. My conclusion is that two cases of three in my research, the TRCs in Ghana and East Timor, have communication clearly directed to meet feelings caused by the war. One of the three cases (East Timor) has a communication with a clear ambition to heal over a longer period, to continue after the existence of the Truth Commission. The research suggests that communication with a clear ambition to reach out widely in the society, a communication directed to meet and process feelings over a longer period, can make Societal healing more effective. It also concludes that, in the future, Societal healing, as a field in conflict resolution, will be more based on representational media than today, provided through web communication.

Peace & Love 2011 : Uppskattning av festivalens ekonomiska betydelse via segmenteringsansatsen

Syftet med denna rapport är att kartlägga samt värdera och presentera ekonomiska effekterkopplade till Peace & Love festivalen 2011 genom att tillämpa segmenteringsansatsen.Utgångspunkten är en uppdelning av festivalbesökarna i olika kategorier (segment) som därefteranvänds för att skatta den direkta ekonomiska effekten av festivalen. Uppskattningen av deekonomiska effekter som presenteras är baserade på enkätsvar från 1036 festivalbesökare samt1540 intervjuer vid entréerna. Resultatet från studien pekar på att den traditionella metoden med uppskattning av effekter via enuppdelning av konsumtion mellan turister och icke turister överskattar den totala effekten jämförtmed uppskattning via boendesegmentering med ca 10 procent. Den totala effekten viaboendesegmentering uppskattas till dryga 185 Mkr. Besökarnas konsumtion i samband medPeace & Love festivalen kan omräknas till 61,85 helårsverken. Peace & Love festivalen beräknasskapa drygt 22 helårsverken inom restaurang och handel i Borlängeregionen utöver de 23helårsverken som festivalorganisationen skapar.

Peace & Love 2010 : Värderade och icke-värderade ekonomiska effekter

Denna rapport syftar till at kartlägga samt värderat och presenterat ekonomiska effekter koppladetill Peace & Love festivalen 2010. Utgångspunkten är en definition av festivalens intressenter.Uppskattningen av de ekonomiska effekter som presenterats är baserade på enkätsvar från 519festivalbesökare. Resultaten från studien pekar på att festivalbesökare definierade som turister igenomsnitt spenderar drygt 2000 kr i samband med sitt besök exklusive utgifter för resa ochfestivalbiljett. Den totala festivalkopplade konsumtionen beräknas till 154 Mkr genom attmultiplicera siffrorna för genomsnittlig festivalkonsumtion för en besökare med det totala antaletbetalande besökare. Studien visar också att det finns ett betydande läckage ur den regionalaekonomin till följd av att försäljare inom festivalområdet kommer från andra delar i Sverige.Peace & Love-festivalens bidrag till den lokala ekonomin inklusive biljettintäkter beräknas istudien till 89 Mkr. Slutligen pekar studien på att fördjupade studier innehållande en mernoggrann uppskattning över besökargruppernas andelar respektive konsumtion krävs vid nästaårs festival för att säkerställa de resultat denna studie redovisar.

Política nacional de conciliação: política pública implementação pelo Conselho Nacional de Justiça

Esta obra tem como tema central a abordagem da política nacional de conciliação implementada pelo Conselho Nacional de Justiça, bem como a sua adoção pelo TJRS. Em razão da mudança comportamental da sociedade nas últimas décadas, decorrente de vários fatores, entre eles: a evolução do Estado liberal para o Estado democrático de direito, a constitucionalização dos direitos fundamentais e o acesso à justiça, entre outros, ocorreu o aumento da demanda judicial, gerando problemas na prestação jurisdicional, como morosidade do sistema e difícil acesso ao Poder Judiciário. Assim, no auge da crise do Poder Judiciário, através da emenda constitucional nº 45, foi criado o Conselho Nacional de Justiça, com o objetivo de tornar a prestação jurisdicional, de forma moral, eficiente e efetiva. O Conselho Nacional de Justiça, como integrante do Poder Judiciário, visando, através de uma política pública nacional, a maximizar a prestação jurisdicional e oferecer uma justiça mais célere e justa, através da resolução número 125, determinou a implantação da política Nacional da Conciliação. Desse modo, o Poder Judiciário, utilizando os métodos alternativos de solução de conflitos, a conciliação e a mediação, espera oferecer uma jurisdição mais rápida, contribuir para a pacificação social e diminuir o número de ações judiciais, com a implementação da política Nacional da Conciliação. O Tribunal de Justiça gaúcho, visando a cumprir as determinações da Resolução n. 125 do Conselho Nacional de Justiça, instalou no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul quatro centrais de conciliação e mediação, entre elas a Central Judicial de Conciliação e Mediação da comarca de Pelotas. Os resultados apresentados por esse órgão demonstram que as conciliações, embora não apresentem um número expressivo, têm se revelado um mecanismo célere e eficaz, na busca da resolução de conflitos e pacificação social.

Speak now or forever hold your peace: an empirical investigation of whistleblowing in Brazilian organizations

À medida que ajudam as organizações a prevenir condutas irregulares e a manter um ambiente de trabalho mais éticos, as denúncias (whistleblowing) são frequentemente apontadas pela literatura como um benefício à sociedade como um todo. Entretanto, pouco se sabe a respeito de muitos aspectos associados à decisão de denunciar uma irregularidade. No Brasil, em especial, onde o assunto permanece sendo negligenciado por pesquisadores, elementos culturais específicos podem obstruir o caminho da denuncia, além de impor restrições à generalização dos resultados de pesquisas anteriores, quase sempre voltadas para a realidade anglo-saxônica. Com base nesses pressupostos, este estudo busca identificar os antecedentes do whistleblowing interno nas organizações brasileiras. De modo geral, os resultados da pesquisa empírica realizada com uma ampla amostra de profissionais oriundos de empresas púbicas e privadas dão suporte ao modelo proposto e reforçam a noção de que o ato de denunciar é o resultado complexo da interação entre fatores da organização, do indivíduo da situação observada. Em particular, os resultados sugerem que os indivíduos são mais propensos a realizar a denúncia quando a irregularidade observada é percebida como grave e quando a própria denuncia é vista como um curso de ação ético. Por outro lado, os indivíduos podem optar pelo silêncio se o alvo da denúncia for alguém com alto status na organização, se eles não sentirem apoio da organização ou se temerem retaliações. A influência negativa do medo de retaliação sobre a intenção de denunciar, contudo, pode ser atenuada se o indivíduo está convencido de que o correto a fazer é denunciar. Por fim, os resultados também sugerem que profissionais em posição gerencial são mais propensos a denunciar irregularidades do que os demais membros de uma organização. As implicações desses resultados, bem como as limitações e contribuições do estudo para a teoria e para a prática são discutidas em detalhe, juntamente com sugestões para pesquisas futuras.