South Carolina Home Economics Association Records - Accession 22

This collection is a valuable source on home economics history in South Carolina during the twentieth century. While there is information on the SCHEA from its beginning in 1914 to 1980, the actual records do not start until 1920. An outline of what the South Carolina Home Economics Association was doing from 1914 to 1920, is provided in the “historical file” (see Box 1, folders 1 to 4). The inclusive dates for a particular series may vary and, for most series, the records are incomplete. The collection contains all the records normally created by an organization, including constitutions, correspondence, minutes, reports, handbooks, etc. A wide variety of research topics could be developed from the records, including the SCHEA’s impact on the legislative process in South Carolina (e.g. the passage of the bill for the enrichment of cornmeal and grits in 1943), its cooperation and relationship with relief agencies in the state and its role in improving child health during the 1930s.

Keystone Club Of Rock Hill Records - Accession 286 - M122 (155)

The Keystone Club of Rock Hill Records consist of constitutions, minutes, yearbooks and study program booklets from Winthrop’s Extension Dept. in the early 1920s. The Keystone Club of Rock Hill, SC was organized in 1914 as a women’s study group. The club was a charter member of Rock Hill City Federation of Women's Clubs and was a member of the State Federation of Women's Clubs and of the General Federation of Women's Clubs.

John Granberry Kelly Papers - Accession 30

The John Granberry Kelly Papers consist mainly of correspondence but also included are reports, minutes, constitutions, speeches and other papers pertaining to Mr. Kelly’s work as Winthrop registrar and to his role in organizing the Southern Association of Collegiate Registrars.

Women's Club of Rock Hill Records - Accession 219

The Women's Club of Rock Hill's mission is to further the cultural, educational, and social interest of its members and to promote interest in Rock Hill’s civic development and welfare. The Women's Club of Rock Hill Records consist of constitutions and bylaws, histories, minutes, reports, correspondence, memoranda, program notes, brochures, newsletters, membership lists, yearbooks, questions, certificates, awards, scrapbooks, newspaper clippings, and photographs. The records also relate to the thirteen affiliated clubs comprising the Woman’s Club of Rock Hill: Amateur Arts, Arts Appreciation, Book Discussion, Book Lovers, Crafts, Hearthstone, Hermitage, Home Study, Lantern, Literary, Outlook, Palmetto, and Politeia, and to other records for the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Club and the General Federation of Women’s Clubs. Records of various organizations not directly related to the Woman’s Club of Rock Hill are also included, such as the Tri-County Parents Without Partners, the Rock Hill Community Council, the Rock Hill Model Cities Commission, the Rock Hill Senior Center, and the South Carolina Conference on the Status of Women.

Thelma Ecord Busbee Papers - Accession 29

Thelma Ecord Busbee (1910-2004) was a Civic leader and club woman from Columbia, South Carolina. The Thelma Ecord Busbee Papers consist of correspondence, reports, constitutions, financial records, program notes, and other papers relating to her many club and civic activities. The collection covers the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs (1950-1959), The South Carolina Status of Women’s Conference (1961-1968), the Richland-Lexington Tuberculosis Association (1961-1964), South Carolina Alert, Inc. (1961-1962), the Palmetto Outdoor Historical Drama Association (1965-1968), the South Carolina State Library Board (1967-1968), the Lexington County Hospital Auxiliary (1970-1972), and the South Carolina Council for the Common Good (1966).

Mrs. W. E. Cochran Papers - Accession 103

The Mrs. W. E. Cochran Papers consist of histories, constitutions, bylaws, reports, memoranda, minutes, membership lists, newsletters, handbooks, brochures, manuals, newspaper clippings and photographs, relating to her involvement with the South Carolina Extension Homemakers’ Council (1936-1976), the National Home Demonstration Council (1960-1976), the Associated Country Women of the World (1947-1976), the Master Farm Homemakers’ Guild (1964-1976), and the South Carolina Council for the Common Good (1968-1972).

Church Women United in Columbia Records - Accession 191

The Church Women United In Columbia was founded in 1915 as the Women’s Interdenominational Missionary Union whose purpose was to work for the betterment of social and economic conditions in the city of Columbia, South Carolina. The collection consists of constitutions, bylaws, minutes, correspondence, reports, financial records, newsletters, newspaper clippings, lists, and other records relating to the history and civic activities of the organization.

Outlook Club of Rock Hill Records - Accession 210

Organized in 1904 as the Monday Afternoon Club and later the Monday Club, it became the Outlook Club in 1916. The original purpose of the book club (later the interests of the club were literary, social, and philanthropic) was to affect a better relationship between the wives of the Winthrop College faculty, and the women of Rock Hill, SC. The club was federated by the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1907 and the General Federation of Women’s Clubs in 1933. Minutes, reports, correspondence, financial records, program notes, newspaper clippings, membership records, publications, constitutions and bylaws, historical data, yearbooks, bulletins, convention records, magazines, catalogs, memorabilia, and a scrapbook. The records provide information, not only on the club but also on other subjects, including the General Federation of Women’s Clubs, the South Carolina Federation of Women’s Clubs, the role of women’s clubs during World War II, and the relationship between the wives of Winthrop College faculty and the women in the Rock Hill community.

South Carolina Council on Family Relations Records - Accession 199

The South Carolina Council on Family Relations was organized in 1956 to promote communication among representatives of participating organizations and citizens in order to further their common objective of strengthening family life in South Carolina. The South Carolina Council on Family Relations Records consist of constitutions, brochures, pamphlets, minutes, correspondence, membership lists, and annual reports, documenting the council’s growth, development, and functions.

La salute: un diritto o un lusso?

Il diritto a un minimo decente di assistenza sanitaria – spesso chiamato, più semplicemente, diritto alla salute – fa parte dei cosiddetti diritti di seconda generazione, cioè quelli che richiedono un impegno attivo da parte dello stato per assicurare ad ogni cittadino la possibilità di una vita dignitosa. Il diritto alla salute si trova enunciato nei più importanti documenti internazionali, a partire dalla Dichiarazione universale dei diritti dell’uomo (1948), e nella maggior parte delle costituzioni nazionali, compresa quella italiana. Tuttavia, nel Sud del mondo, la sua applicazione è ostacolata da un gran numero di fattori (povertà, guerre, corruzione politica, ecc.); cosicché la maggior parte degli esseri umani vive in società prive di un sistema sanitario nazionale, cadendo vittima di malattie facilmente curabili o prevenibili. Per affrontare questo problema, la cooperazione sanitaria internazionale ha sperimentato nel tempo due diverse forme di intervento: una incentrata sulla diffusione dell’assistenza sanitaria di base (come raccomandato dalla Conferenza di Alma-Ata del 1978), l’altra sui cosiddetti “programmi verticali”, i quali agiscono su singole malattie o branche della sanità. Nessuno dei due approcci però ha prodotto i risultati sperati. L’Ong italiana Emergency propone un modello di cooperazione sanitaria per molti aspetti innovativo: esso si fonda su progetti autogestiti e totalmente gratuiti (che vanno dalla pediatria alla chirurgia di guerra alla cardiochirurgia) ed è capace di incidere sul tessuto sociale nel quale si inserisce, fino ad influenzare le scelte politiche delle autorità locali. Solamente intervenendo in un modo simile sui determinanti sociali della salute, sembra possibile migliorare realmente lo stato di salute delle popolazioni più povere e garantire così la prima delle condizioni necessarie perché ogni persona abbia la possibilità di vivere una vita decente.

Il Senato come camera di rappresentanza territoriale

La riforma del bicameralismo rappresenta nell’ordinamento italiano una delle tematiche più dibattute sin dalla “concessione” dello Statuto Albertino. In Assemblea Costituente, infatti, l’opzione tra monocamerali e bicameralismo - prima - e il dibattito su che tipo di bicameralismo si sarebbe dovuto adottare - poi - hanno dato vita ad una parte organizzativa particolarmente debole e in gran parte antiquata rispetto alle esigenze della prima parte della Costituzione che, al contrario, ha rappresentato il precipitato di una profonda consonanza di ideali. La tesi si propone dunque l’obiettivo di dimostrare che l’esigenza di procedere ad una riforma del sistema bicamerale in Italia sia oggi quanto mai attuale e necessaria. Da un lato, infatti, essa favorirebbe il superamento delle inefficienze del sistema parlamentare e potrebbe rappresentare uno strumento per ovviare alla debole razionalizzazione della forma di governo che, da sempre, ha determinato la strutturale instabilità degli esecutivi. Dall’altro lato, la riforma servirebbe soprattutto a realizzare quella connessione organica tra Stato e regioni necessaria per completare il disegno regionalistico che si ricava dalla Costituzione stessa. Esigenza questa che, peraltro, si è notevolmente rafforzata con la riforma del titolo V della Costituzione, la cui portata innovativa è stata sostanzialmente svuotata di contenuto a causa delle difficoltà che si sono incontrate nella sua attuazione.

Organisationale Selbststeuerung in deutschen Universitäten : Bedingungen, Prozesse und Wirkungen

Die Regulierung und Steuerung von Hochschulen unterliegt spätestens seit der Liberalisierung des Hochschulrahmengesetzes im Jahr 1998 einer erheblichen Reformdynamik. Hochschulautonomie, New Public Management, Profilbildung, Exzellenz und Wettbewerb sind zentrale Stichworte im Rahmen der durchgeführten politischen Reformen und Programme.rnDer politisch intendierte Ausbau einer organisationalen Selbststeuerung von Universitäten stellt die Hochschulen vor beachtliche Herausforderungen und kann als Paradigmenwechsel im Bereich der Hochschul-Governance betrachtet werden. In der Fachdiskussion wird der entsprechende Wandel auch als Stärkung der „managerial governance“ (bspw. de Boer et al. 2007) oder als Wandel von Universitäten hin zu „more complete organizations“ (Brunsson/ Sahlin-Andersson 2000) bzw. „organisational actors“ (Krücken/Meier 2006) beschrieben. rnGleichzeitig liegt bislang eher fragmentarisches Wissen darüber vor, wie der veränderte Re-gulierungskontext von den Steuerungsakteuren in deutschen Hochschulen aufgegriffen wird, d.h. ob auf Organisationsebene tatsächlich ein Ausbau der organisationalen Selbststeuerung stattfindet, welche Steuerungsinitiativen und -instrumente sich bewähren und warum dies der Fall ist. Die vorliegende Arbeit geht diesen Fragen im Rahmen einer vergleichenden Fallstudie an sechs Universitäten nach. rnIm Zentrum der empirischen Erhebung stehen 60 qualitative sozialwissenschaftliche Interviews mit Leitungsakteuren auf Hochschul- und Fachbereichsebene. Diese Daten werden ergänzt durch umfangreiche Dokumentenanalysen, insbesondere von Jahresberichten, Grundordnungen, Strategie- und Planungsdokumenten sowie durch Daten der amtlichen Hochschul-statistik. Das Untersuchungsdesign erlaubt überdies eine Gegenüberstellung von großen und kleinen Universitäten sowie von Hochschulen mit einer technisch-naturwissenschaftlichen Ausrichtung gegenüber solchen mit einem kultur- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Schwerpunkt. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass an fünf der sechs untersuchten Hochschulen ein zum Teil deutlicher Ausbau der organisationalen Selbststeuerung festzustellen ist, wenngleich der spezifische organisationale Charakter von Universitäten, d.h. eine weitgehend lose Kopplung mit autonomen Professionals, im Wesentlichen erhalten bleibt. Die Zusammenschau der Veränderungen ergibt ein idealtypisches Modell des Wandels von Strategie, Struktur und Kultur der Hochschulen. Auf Basis der empirischen Ergebnisse werden weiterhin zentrale externe und interne Einflussfaktoren auf den spezifischen organisationalen Wandel analysiert. Schließlich werden Kosten und Nutzen sowie Risiken und Chancen der Governance-Reformen im Hoch-schulbereich gegenübergestellt.

Impact of anthropogenic stressors on the population genetics of the common bioindicator Dreissena polymorpha (Pallas, 1771)

Toxicant inputs from agriculture, industry and human settlements have been shown to severely affect freshwater ecosystems. Pollution can lead to changes in population genetic patterns through various genetic and stochastic processes. In my thesis, I investigated the impact of anthropogenic stressors on the population genetics of the zebra mussel Dreissena polymorpha. In order to analyze the genetics of zebra mussel populations, I isolated five new highly polymorphic microsatellite loci. Out of those and other already existing microsatellite markers for this species, I established a robust marker set of six microsatellite loci for D. polymorpha. rnMonitoring the biogeographical background is an important requirement when integrating population genetic measures into ecotoxicological studies. I analyzed the biogeographical background of eleven populations in a section of the River Danube (in Hungary and Croatia) and some of its tributaries, and another population in the River Rhine as genetic outgroup. Moreover, I measured abiotic water parameters at the sampling sites and analyzed if they were correlated with the genetic parameters of the populations. The genetic differentiation was basically consistent with the overall biogeographical history of the populations in the study region. However, the genetic diversity of the populations was not influenced by the geographical distance between the populations, but by the environmental factors oxygen and temperature and also by other unidentified factors. I found strong evidence that genetic adaptation of zebra mussel populations to local habitat conditions had influenced the genetic constitution of the populations. Moreover, by establishing the biogeographical baseline of molecular variance in the study area, I laid the foundation for interpreting population genetic results in ecotoxicological experiments in this region.rnIn a cooperation project with the Department of Zoology of the University of Zagreb, I elaborated an integrated approach in biomonitoring with D. polymorpha by combining the analysis techniques of microsatellite analysis, Comet assay and micronucleus test (MNT). This approach was applied in a case study on freshwater contamination by an effluent of a wastewater treatment plant (WWTP) in the River Drava (Croatia) and a complementary laboratory experiment. I assessed and compared the genetic status of two zebra mussel populations from a contaminated and a reference site. Microsatellite analysis suggested that the contaminated population had undergone a genetic bottleneck, caused by random genetic drift and selection, whereas a bottleneck was not detected in the reference population. The Comet assay did not indicate any difference in DNA damage between the two populations, but MNT revealed that the contaminated population had an increased percentage of micronuclei in hemocytes in comparison to the reference population. The laboratory experiment with mussels exposed to municipal wastewater revealed that mussels from the contaminated site had a lower percentage of tail DNA and a higher percentage of micronuclei than the reference population. These differences between populations were probably caused by an overall decreased fitness of mussels from the contaminated site due to genetic drift and by an enhanced DNA repair mechanism due to adaptation to pollution in the source habitat. Overall, the combination of the three biomarkers provided sufficient information on the impact of both treated and non-treated municipal wastewater on the genetics of zebra mussels at different levels of biological organization.rnIn my thesis, I could show that the newly established marker set of six microsatellite loci provided reliable and informative data for population genetic analyses of D. polymorpha. The adaptation of the analyzed zebra mussel populations to the local conditions of their habitat had a strong influence on their genetic constitution. We found evidence that the different genetic constitutions of two populations had influenced the outcome of our ecotoxicological experiment. Overall, the integrated approach in biomonitoring gave comprehensive information about the impact of both treated and non-treated municipal wastewater on the genetics of zebra mussels at different levels of biological organization and was well practicable in a first case study.

The Constitutional-Judicial Control of the Legislative and Executive Powers in Central and Eastern European Countries

This project looked at the nature, contents, methods, means and legal and political effects of the influence that constitutional courts exercise upon the legislative and executive powers in the newly established democracies of Central and Eastern Europe. The basic hypothesis was that these courts work to provide a limitation of political power within the framework of the principal constitutional values and that they force the legislature and executive to exercise their powers and duties in strict accordance with the constitution. Following a study of the documentary sources, including primarily the relevant constitutional and statutory provisions and decisions of constitutional courts, Mr. Cvetkovski prepared a questionnaire on various aspects of the topics researched and sent it to the respective constitutional courts. A series of direct interviews with court officials in six of the ten countries then served to clarify a large number of questions relating to differences in procedures etc. that arose from the questionnaires. As a final stage, the findings were compared with those described in recent publications on constitutional control in general and in Central and Eastern Europe in particular. The study began by considering the constitutional and political environment of the constitutional courts' activities in controlling legislative and executive powers, which in all countries studied are based on the principles of the rule of law and the separation of powers. All courts are separate bodies with special status in terms of constitutional law and are independent of other political and judicial institutions. The range of matters within their jurisdiction is set by the constitution of the country in question but in all cases can be exercised only with the framework of procedural rules. This gives considerable significance to the question of who sets these rules and different countries have dealt with it in different ways. In some there is a special constitutional law with the same legal force as the constitution itself (Croatia), the majority of countries allow for regulation by an ordinary law, Macedonia gives the court the autonomy to create and change its own rules of procedure, while in Hungary the parliament fixes the rules on procedure at the suggestion of the constitutional court. The question of the appointment of constitutional judges was also considered and of the mechanisms for ensuring their impartiality and immunity. In the area of the courts' scope for providing normative control, considerable differences were found between the different countries. In some cases the courts' jurisdiction is limited to the normative acts of the respective parliaments, and there is generally no provision for challenging unconstitutional omissions by legislation and the executive. There are, however, some situations in which they may indirectly evaluate the constitutionality of legislative omissions, as when the constitution contains provision for a time limit on enacting legislation, when the parliament has made an omission in drafting a law which violates the constitutional provisions, or when a law grants favours to certain groups while excluding others, thereby violating the equal protection clause of the constitution. The control of constitutionality of normative acts can be either preventive or repressive, depending on whether it is implemented before or after the promulgation of the law or other enactment being challenged. In most countries in the region the constitutional courts provide only repressive control, although in Hungary and Poland the courts are competent to perform both preventive and repressive norm control, while in Romania the court's jurisdiction is limited to preventive norm control. Most countries are wary of vesting constitutional courts with preventive norm control because of the danger of their becoming too involved in the day-to-day political debate, but Mr. Cvetkovski points out certain advantages of such control. If combined with a short time limit it can provide early clarification of a constitutional issue, secondly it avoids the problems arising if a law that has been in force for some years is declared to be unconstitutional, and thirdly it may help preserve the prestige of the legislation. Its disadvantages include the difficulty of ascertaining the actual and potential consequences of a norm without the empirical experience of the administration and enforcement of the law, the desirability of a certain distance from the day-to-day arguments surrounding the political process of legislation, the possible effects of changing social and economic conditions, and the danger of placing obstacles in the way of rapid reactions to acute situations. In the case of repressive norm control, this can be either abstract or concrete. The former is initiated by the supreme state organs in order to protect abstract constitutional order and the latter is initiated by ordinary courts, administrative authorities or by individuals. Constitutional courts cannot directly oblige the legislature and executive to pass a new law and this remains a matter of legislative and executive political responsibility. In the case of Poland, the parliament even has the power to dismiss a constitutional court decision by a special majority of votes, which means that the last word lies with the legislature. As the current constitutions of Central and Eastern European countries are newly adopted and differ significantly from the previous ones, the courts' interpretative functions should ensure a degree of unification in the application of the constitution. Some countries (Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia and Russia) provide for the constitutional courts' decisions to have a binding role on the constitutions. While their decisions inevitably have an influence on the actions of public bodies, they do not set criteria for political behaviour, which depends rather on the overall political culture and traditions of the society. All constitutions except that of Belarus, provide for the courts to have jurisdiction over conflicts arising from the distribution of responsibilities between different organs and levels in the country, as well for impeachment procedures against the head of state, and for determining the constitutionality of political parties (except in Belarus, Hungary, Russia and Slovakia). All the constitutions studied guarantee individual rights and freedoms and most courts have jurisdiction over complaints of violation of these rights by the constitution. All courts also have some jurisdiction over international agreements and treaties, either directly (Belarus, Bulgaria and Hungary) before the treaty is ratified, or indirectly (Croatia, Czech Republic, Macedonia, Romania, Russia and Yugoslavia). In each country the question of who may initiate proceedings of norm control is of central importance and is usually regulated by the constitution itself. There are three main possibilities: statutory organs, normal courts and private individuals and the limitations on each of these is discussed in the report. Most courts are limited in their rights to institute ex officio a full-scale review of a point of law, and such rights as they do have rarely been used. In most countries courts' decisions do not have any binding force but must be approved by parliament or impose on parliament the obligation to bring the relevant law into conformity within a certain period. As a result, the courts' position is generally weaker than in other countries in Europe, with parliament remaining the supreme body. In the case of preventive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality may act to suspend the law and or to refer it back to the legislature, where in countries such as Romania it may even be overturned by a two-thirds majority. In repressive norm control a finding of unconstitutionality generally serves to take the relevant law out of legal force from the day of publication of the decision or from another date fixed by the court. If the law is annulled retrospectively this may or may not bring decisions of criminal courts under review, depending on the provisions laid down in the relevant constitution. In cases relating to conflicts of competencies the courts' decisions tend to be declaratory and so have a binding effect inter partes. In the case of a review of an individual act, decisions generally become effective primarily inter partes but is the individual act has been based on an unconstitutional generally binding normative act of the legislature or executive, the findings has quasi-legal effect as it automatically initiates special proceedings in which the law or other regulation is to be annulled or abrogated with effect erga omnes. This wards off further application of the law and thus further violations of individual constitutional rights, but also discourages further constitutional complaints against the same law. Thus the success of one individual's complaint extends to everyone else whose rights have equally been or might have been violated by the respective law. As the body whose act is repealed is obliged to adopt another act and in doing so is bound by the legal position of the constitutional court on the violation of constitutionally guaranteed freedoms and rights of the complainant, in this situation the decision of the constitutional court has the force of a precedent.

The Presidential Institution in Bulgaria, Albania and Romani: An Attempt at Comparison"

Bulgaria, Albania and Romania are all parliamentary republics with a president as head of state. Although the Albanian president is elected by Parliament, he is arguably the strongest of the three, both in terms of the powers allowed by the provisional constitution and of Mr. Berisha's political practice. The constitutional reform underway in the country will however change the status quo. In Bulgaria and Romania the presidents are elected directly by popular vote, but their powers are relatively small as compared to the democratic legitimisation implied by direct elections. Actual presidential powers should however be assessed with caution as some of them are set by law or interpretations of constitutional texts, rather than by the constitutions themselves. There is also variation in the degree to which the presidents in office have exploited their constitutional powers or taken their role as non-aligned political brokers seriously. Mr. Berisha, in particular, was in control of party politics throughout his presidency and was one of the most polarising influences on public opinion. The excessive political polarisation in all three countries has however its own logic and power. Thus Mr. Zhelev invariably supported the emergence of a political centre in Bulgaria, but this did not succeed and the policy was as damaging to his political career as the fight with would-be centrists was to Berisha's. Political practice in all three countries seems to need a presidential figure. This adds flexibility to a situation governed by hostile and mutually suspicious parties, stuck parliaments and weak or inexperienced governments. The presidents also command considerable influence on public opinion. Public opinion in Bulgaria, for example, largely supports the idea of greater power for the president, in contrast with the opinions of constitutionalists and other law-makers in the country. Under the legacy of the past, the people have a love-hate relationship with such paternalist figures. Presidents personalise politics in the public mind, but they can also become scapegoats for political failures.