977 resultados para Communal lands
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arranged by Miriam Blaustein
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Au travers de stratégies appropriées, les ménages, appelés ici Unités de Production et de Consommation (UPC), cherchent à faire face à différents évènements et à améliorer leur situation économique et sociale tout en tenant compte des conditions écologiques. Au travers de l’Assemblée Générale Communale (AGC), les UPC peuvent créer des conditions cadres locales plus ou moins favorables aux stratégies qu’ils poursuivent. Par le développement d’une stratégie d’investissement communale mise en œuvre par l’AGC et une bonne coordination entre les UPC, les joueurs peuvent optimiser leurs investissements au niveau des ménages. Vainqueur est l’UPC qui à la fin du jeu dispose du plus grand patrimoine.
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This chapter aims to overcome the gap existing between case study research, which typically provides qualitative and process-based insights, and national or global inventories that typically offer spatially explicit and quantitative analysis of broader patterns, and thus to present adequate evidence for policymaking regarding large-scale land acquisitions. Therefore, the chapter links spatial patterns of land acquisitions to underlying implementation processes of land allocation. Methodologically linking the described patterns and processes proved difficult, but we have identified indicators that could be added to inventories and monitoring systems to make linkage possible. Combining complementary approaches in this way may help to determine where policy space exists for more sustainable governance of land acquisitions, both geographically and with regard to processes of agrarian transitions. Our spatial analysis revealed two general patterns: (i) relatively large forestry-related acquisitions that target forested landscapes and often interfere with semi-subsistence farming systems; and (ii) smaller agriculture-related acquisitions that often target existing cropland and also interfere with semi-subsistence systems. Furthermore, our meta-analysis of land acquisition implementation processes shows that authoritarian, top-down processes dominate. Initially, the demands of powerful regional and domestic investors tend to override socio-ecological variables, local actors’ interests, and land governance mechanisms. As available land grows scarce, however, and local actors gain experience dealing with land acquisitions, it appears that land investments begin to fail or give way to more inclusive, bottom-up investment models.
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When the Shakers established communal farms in the Ohio Valley, they encountered a new agricultural environment that was substantially different from the familiar soils, climates, and markets of New England and the Hudson Valley. The ways in which their response to these new conditions differed by region has not been well documented. We examine patterns of specialization among the Shakers using the manuscript schedules of the federal Agricultural Censuses from 1850 through 1880. For each Shaker unit, we also recorded a random sample of five farms in the same township (or all available farms if there were fewer than five). The sample of neighboring farms included 75 in 1850, 70 in the next two census years, and 66 in 1880. A Herfindahl-type index suggested that, although the level of specialization was less among the Shakers than their neighbors, trends in specialization by the Shakers and their neighbors were remarkably similar when considered by region. Both Eastern and Western Shakers were more heavily committed to dairy and produce than were their neighbors, while Western Shakers produced more grains than did Eastern Shakers, a pattern imitated in nearby family farms. Livestock and related production was far more important to the Eastern Shakers than to the Western Shakers, again similar to patterns in the census returns from other farms. We conclude that, despite the obvious scale and organizational differences, Shaker production decisions were based on the same comparative advantages that determined production decisions of family farms.
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In our late twentieth century experience, survival of an economy seems critically dependent on well established rights to private property and a return to labor that rewards greater effort. But that need not be so. History provides examples of micro-socialist economies that internally, at least, allow for little private property for participants and a constant return to labor that is independent of effort. Some such economies may even be termed 'successful,' if success is taken to mean survival over several generations. If these communities survived without conditions that are generally thought to be necessary for success, a question worth asking is how this occurred, for we can then shed some light on what really is necessary for economic survival. Addressing this issue emphasizes the critical role of time, for even if the microsocialist economies that we study here eventually became the merest shadow of their former selves, the fact that they did flourish for so long makes them a valuable counterexample, and hence, a phenomenon in need of explanation. We consider here the dairy industry of the Shakers, which was characterized by intensive efforts to increase productivity, in part through the use of market signals, but efforts that were also limited by the ideological goals of the community. The Shakers were (and are, but since it is the historical Shakers that concern this paper, the past tense will be used) a Christian communal group. Some of their distinctive beliefs included the existence of a male and female Godhead, from which followed sexual equality, and active communication between Believers (a Shaker term for members of the sect) and denizens of the spirit world. Practices of the Society (their official name is the United Society of Believers in Christ's Second Appearing, the second appearing being in the body of their foundress, an illiterate Englishwoman named Ann Lee) included pacifism, celibacy, confession of sins to elders, and joint or communal ownership of the Society's assets. Each Shaker received the same return for his or her labor: room, board, clothing, and the experience of divine proximity in a community of like minded Believers (Stein 1992).
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Isolated Shaker communal farms stressed self-sufficiency as an ideal but carefully chose which goods to buy and sell in external markets and which to produce and consume themselves. We use records of hog slaughter weights to investigate the extent to which the Shakers incorporated market-based price information in determining production levels of a consumption good which they did not sell in external markets: pork. Granger causality tests indicate that Shaker pork production decisions were influenced as hypothesized, strongly by corn prices and weakly by pork prices. We infer that attention to opportunity costs of goods that they produced and consumed themselves was a likely factor aiding the longevity of Shaker communal societies.
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by J. F. MacCurdy ... [et al.]. Ed. by Herman V. Hilprecht
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En el presente trabajo se propone un abordaje del rol de la propiedad comunal en la transición del feudalismo al capitalismo europeo a partir de la dinámica de desestructuración del modo de producción dominante. Partimos de la idea que la transición no implica la eliminación de los elementos que componen el modo de producción anterior, sino su permanencia y aún su fortalecimiento sobre bases modificadas. Este es el caso de la pervivencia de las formas campesinas de producción, dentro de las cuales la propiedad colectiva es una de sus bases de sostenimiento material más importantes. Sin embargo, este proceso es complejo y no está excento de ambigüedades. La corrupción interna de la comunidad aldeana, con la consiguiente proletarización parcial de su mano de obra se halla en estrecha relación con la ofensiva sobre los campos comunes. Sin embargo, en el período estudiado, el fenómeno no es absoluto, ya que al mismo tiempo que se da una progresiva pérdida de tierras por parte de los productores aldeanos, se refuerzan las relaciones feudales dentro de las cuales se ponen en explotación los suelos. Las contradicciones del desarrollo histórico obliga al historiador a una aproximación dialéctica que dé cuenta de esta particularidad. El diálogo crítico con los aportes teóricos de la sociología agraria y de la antropología rural sirven de estímulo para esta contribución.
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En este trabajo se estudia el proceso de fraccionamiento de la propiedad comunal de los indígenas de Colalao y Tolombón, de la provincia de Tucumán, entre 1870 y 1890 en el contexto de la avanzada azucarera, con el correspondiente desarrollo de las estructuras capitalistas. Se reconstruyó la evolución de la estructura agraria, se indagó sobre las formas de distribución de los terrenos comunales, se determinó el número y apellidos de las familias originarias propietarias con anterioridad y posterioridad al fraccionamiento de tierras y, por último, se sondearon distintas características de los compradores y vendedores de las tierras comunales.
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En el presente trabajo se propone un abordaje del rol de la propiedad comunal en la transición del feudalismo al capitalismo europeo a partir de la dinámica de desestructuración del modo de producción dominante. Partimos de la idea que la transición no implica la eliminación de los elementos que componen el modo de producción anterior, sino su permanencia y aún su fortalecimiento sobre bases modificadas. Este es el caso de la pervivencia de las formas campesinas de producción, dentro de las cuales la propiedad colectiva es una de sus bases de sostenimiento material más importantes. Sin embargo, este proceso es complejo y no está excento de ambigüedades. La corrupción interna de la comunidad aldeana, con la consiguiente proletarización parcial de su mano de obra se halla en estrecha relación con la ofensiva sobre los campos comunes. Sin embargo, en el período estudiado, el fenómeno no es absoluto, ya que al mismo tiempo que se da una progresiva pérdida de tierras por parte de los productores aldeanos, se refuerzan las relaciones feudales dentro de las cuales se ponen en explotación los suelos. Las contradicciones del desarrollo histórico obliga al historiador a una aproximación dialéctica que dé cuenta de esta particularidad. El diálogo crítico con los aportes teóricos de la sociología agraria y de la antropología rural sirven de estímulo para esta contribución.
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En este trabajo se estudia el proceso de fraccionamiento de la propiedad comunal de los indígenas de Colalao y Tolombón, de la provincia de Tucumán, entre 1870 y 1890 en el contexto de la avanzada azucarera, con el correspondiente desarrollo de las estructuras capitalistas. Se reconstruyó la evolución de la estructura agraria, se indagó sobre las formas de distribución de los terrenos comunales, se determinó el número y apellidos de las familias originarias propietarias con anterioridad y posterioridad al fraccionamiento de tierras y, por último, se sondearon distintas características de los compradores y vendedores de las tierras comunales.