Chapter 8 Location Choice of Japanese Multinationals: Country Characteristics or Region Characteristics?

In the present global era in which firms choose the location of their plants beyond national borders, location characteristics are important for attracting multinational enterprises (MNEs). The better access to countries with large market is clearly attractive for MNEs. For example, special treatments on tariffs such as the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) are beneficial for MNEs whose home country does not have such treatments. Not only such country characteristics but also region characteristics (i.e. province-level or city-level ones) matter, particularly in the case that location characteristics differ widely between a nation's regions. The existence of industrial concentration, that is, agglomeration, is a typical regional characteristic. It is with consideration of these country-level and region-level characteristics that MNEs decide their location abroad. A large number of academic studies have investigated in what kinds of countries MNEs locate, i.e. location choice analysis. Employing the usual new economic geography model (i.e. constant elasticity of substitution (CES) utility function, Dixit-Stiglitz monopolistic competition, and ice-berg trade costs), the literature derives the profit function, of which coefficients are estimated using maximum likelihood procedures. Recent studies are as follows: Head, Rise, and Swenson (1999) for Japanese MNEs in the US; Belderbos and Carree (2002) for Japanese MNEs in China; Head and Mayer (2004) for Japanese MNEs in Europe; Disdier and Mayer (2004) for French MNEs in Europe; Castellani and Zanfei (2004) for large MNEs worldwide; Mayer, Mejean, and Nefussi (2007) for French MNEs worldwide; Crozet, Mayer, and Mucchielli (2004) for MNEs in France; and Basile, Castellani, and Zanfei (2008) for MNEs in Europe. At the present time, three main topics can be found in this literature. The first introduces various location elements as independent variables. The above-mentioned new economic geography model usually yields the profit function, which is a function of market size, productive factor prices, price of intermediate goods, and trade costs. As a proxy for the price of intermediate goods, the measure of agglomeration is often used, particularly the number of manufacturing firms. Some studies employ more disaggregated numbers of manufacturing firms, such as the number of manufacturing firms with the same nationality as the firms choosing the location (e.g., Head et al., 1999; Crozet et al., 2004) or the number of firms belonging to the same firm group (e.g., Belderbos and Carree, 2002). As part of trade costs, some investment climate measures have been examined: free trade zones in the US (Head et al., 1999), special economic zones and opening coastal cities in China (Belderbos and Carree, 2002), and Objective 1 structural funds and cohesion funds in Europe (Basile et al., 2008). Second, the validity of proxy variables for location elements is further examined. Head and Mayer (2004) examine the validity of market potential on location choice. They propose the use of two measures: the Harris market potential index (Harris, 1954) and the Krugman-type index used in Redding and Venables (2004). The Harris-type index is simply the sum of distance-weighted real GDP. They employ the Krugman-type market potential index, which is directly derived from the new economic geography model, as it takes into account the extent of competition (i.e. price index) and is constructed using estimators of importing country dummy variables in the well-known gravity equation, as in Redding and Venables (2004). They find that "theory does not pay", in the sense that the Harris market potential outperforms Krugman's market potential in both the magnitude of its coefficient and the fit of the model to be estimated. The third topic explores the substitution of location by examining inclusive values in the nested-logit model. For example, using firm-level data on French investments both in France and abroad over the 1992-2002 period, Mayer et al. (2007) investigate the determinants of location choice and assess empirically whether the domestic economy has been losing attractiveness over the recent period or not. The estimated coefficient for inclusive value is strongly significant and near unity, indicating that the national economy is not different from the rest of the world in terms of substitution patterns. Similarly, Disdier and Mayer (2004) investigate whether French MNEs consider Western and Eastern Europe as two distinct groups of potential host countries by examining the coefficient for the inclusive value in nested-logit estimation. They confirm the relevance of an East-West structure in the country location decision and furthermore show that this relevance decreases over time. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the location choice of Japanese MNEs in Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam, and is closely related to the third topic mentioned above. By examining region-level location choice with the nested-logit model, I investigate the relative importance of not only country characteristics but also region characteristics. Such investigation is invaluable particularly in the case of location choice in those five countries: industrialization remains immature in those countries which have not yet succeeded in attracting enough MNEs, and as a result, it is expected that there are not yet crucial regional variations for MNEs within such a nation, meaning the country characteristics are still relatively important to attract MNEs. To illustrate, in the case of Cambodia and Laos, one of the crucial elements for Japanese MNEs would be that LDC preferential tariff schemes are available for exports from Cambodia and Laos. On the other hand, in the case of Thailand and Vietnam, which have accepted a relatively large number of MNEs and thus raised the extent of regional inequality, regional characteristics such as the existence of agglomeration would become important elements in location choice. Our sample countries seem, therefore, to offer rich variations for analyzing the relative importance between country characteristics and region characteristics. Our empirical strategy has a further advantage. As in the third topic in the location choice literature, the use of the nested-logit model enables us to examine substitution patterns between country-based and region-based location decisions by MNEs in the concerned countries. For example, it is possible to investigate empirically whether Japanese multinational firms consider Thailand/Vietnam and the other three countries as two distinct groups of potential host countries, by examining the inclusive value parameters in nested-logit estimation. In particular, our sample countries all experienced dramatic changes in, for example, economic growth or trade costs reduction during the sample period. Thus, we will find the dramatic dynamics of such substitution patterns. Our rigorous analysis of the relative importance between country characteristics and region characteristics is invaluable from the viewpoint of policy implications. First, while the former characteristics should be improved mainly by central government in each country, there is sometimes room for the improvement of the latter characteristics by even local governments or smaller institutions such as private agencies. Consequently, it becomes important for these smaller institutions to know just how crucial the improvement of region characteristics is for attracting foreign companies. Second, as economies grow, country characteristics become similar among countries. For example, the LCD preferential tariff schemes are available only when a country is less developed. Therefore, it is important particularly for the least developed countries to know what kinds of regional characteristics become important following economic growth; in other words, after their country characteristics become similar to those of the more developed countries. I also incorporate one important characteristic of MNEs, namely, productivity. The well-known Helpman-Melitz-Yeaple model indicates that only firms with higher productivity can afford overseas entry (Helpman et al., 2004). Beyond this argument, there may be some differences in MNEs' productivity among our sample countries and regions. Such differences are important from the viewpoint of "spillover effects" from MNEs, which are one of the most important results for host countries in accepting their entry. The spillover effects are that the presence of inward foreign direct investment (FDI) aises domestic firms' productivity through various channels such as imitation. Such positive effects might be larger in areas with more productive MNEs. Therefore, it becomes important for host countries to know how much productive firms are likely to invest in them. The rest of this paper is organized as follows. Section 2 takes a brief look at the worldwide distribution of Japanese overseas affiliates. Section 3 provides an empirical model to examine their location choice, and lastly, we discuss future works to estimate our model.

Political economy of low sulfurization and air pollution control policy in Japan : SOx emission reduction by fuel conversion

In the early stages of the development of Japan’s environmental policy, sulfur oxide (SOx) emissions, which seriously damage health, was the most important air pollution problem. In the second half of the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s, the measures against SOx emissions progressed quickly, and these emissions were reduced drastically. The most important factor of the reduction was the conversion to a low-sulfur fuel for large-scale fuel users, such as the electric power industry. However, industries started conversion to low-sulfur fuel not due to environmental concerns, but simply to reduce costs. Furthermore, the interaction among the various interests of the electric power industry, oil refineries, the central government, local governments, and citizens over the energy and environmental policies led to the measures against SOx emissions by fuel conversion.

Estudio experimental sobre la efectividad y la viabilidad de distintas soluciones constructivas para reducir la concentración de gas radón en edificaciones

El trabajo de investigación desarrollado que ha dado lugar a la realización de esta Tesis, aborda la protección de los edificios frente a la entrada de gas radón y su acumulación en los espacios habitados. Dicho gas (isótopo del radón Rn-222) es un elemento radiactivo que se genera, principalmente, en terrenos con altos contenidos de radio (terrenos graníticos por ejemplo). Su alto grado de movilidad permite que penetre en los edificios a través de los materiales de cerramiento del mismo (porosidad de los materiales, fisuras, grietas y juntas) y se acumule en su interior, donde puede ser inhalado en altas concentraciones. La Organización Mundial de la Salud, califica al radón como agente cancerígeno de grado 1. Según este Organismo, el radón es la segunda causa de contracción de cáncer pulmonar detrás del tabaco. Como respuesta a esta alarma, distintos estados ya han elaborado normativas en las que se proponen soluciones para que los niveles de concentración de radón no superen los valores recomendados por los organismos internacionales responsables de la protección radiológica. En España aún no existe normativa de protección frente a este agente cancerígeno causante de numerosas muertes, y es por tal motivo evidente la necesidad de aportar documentación técnica que ayude a las administraciones nacionales y locales a desarrollar dicha normativa para ajustarse a las recomendaciones europeas e internacionales sobre los niveles que no se deben superar y que, por otro lado, ya han contemplado una gran cantidad de países. Como principal aportación de este trabajo se muestran los resultados de reducción de concentración de gas radón de distintas soluciones constructivas enfocadas a frenar la entrada de gas radón al interior de los edificios haciendo uso de técnicas y materiales habituales en el ámbito de la construcción en España. Para ello, se han estudiado las efectividades de dichas soluciones, en lo referente a su capacidad para frenar la inmisión de radón, en un prototipo de vivienda construido al efecto en un terreno con altas concentraciones de radón. Las soluciones propuestas y ensayadas han sido el resultado de una labor de optimización de los sistemas estudiados en la bibliografía con el fin de adaptar las técnicas a los sistemas constructivos habituales en España y en concreto a la situación real del prototipo de vivienda construido en un lugar con contenidos de radón en terreno muy elevados. El trabajo incluye un capítulo inicial con los conceptos básicos necesarios para entender la problemática que supone habitar en espacios con altos contenidos de radón. ABSTRACT The research developed, which has led to the completion of this thesis, deal with the protection of buildings against entry of radon gas and its accumulation in the ocupated spaces. This gas (radon isotope Rn-222) is a radioactive element generated, mainly, in areas with high levels of radio (granitic terrain for example). Its high mobility allows entering in buildings through the enclosure materials of it (porosity of materials, cracks, crevices and joints) and accumulates inside, where it can be inhaled in high concentrations. The World Health Organization describes radon gas as a carcinogen agent in level 1. According to this Agency, radon is the second leading cause of lung cancer behind tobacco. In response to this alarm, some states have developed regulations that propose solutions to reduce radon concentration levels for not exceeding the values recommended by international agencies responsible in radiation protection. In Spain there is still no legislation to protect against this carcinogen element that cause numerous deaths, and for that reason it is evident the need to provide technical documentation to help the national and local governments to develop legislation for reaching the European and international levels recommendations. As the main contribution of this work are the results of reducing radon concentration using different constructive solutions aimed to stop radon entry in buildings, with techniques and materials common in Spain. To do this, effectiveness of such solutions, have been studied in terms of its ability to stop radon entry in a housing prototype built for this purpose in an area with high radon levels. The solutions proposed and tested have been the result of a process of optimization of systems studied in the literature in order to adapt the techniques to Spanish building material and, specifically, to the actual situation of housing prototype built in a place with high contents of radon in soil. The work includes an initial chapter with the basic concepts needed to understand the problem of living in areas with high levels of radon.

La participación de los jóvenes universitarios en la planificación urbana. Estudios de caso de Lisboa, Madrid y Fortaleza

La participación de los jóvenes en los procesos de planificación urbana en Lisboa, Madrid y Fortaleza ha sido tema central de la presente tesis. Los principales objetivos perseguidos consisten en: caracterizar y analizar críticamente las dimensiones más importantes de la participación de jóvenes universitarios en los procesos participativos; aportar características de interés juvenil para un “modelo” de planificación urbana; elaborar directrices para el diseño de actuaciones en un proceso urbano participativo desde la perspectiva de los jóvenes; establecer el alcance de un instrumento urbano participativo reglamentado por el gobierno local entre los jóvenes; determinar si la percepción de los jóvenes universitarios acerca de las acciones del gobierno local tiene influencia en los procesos participativos. El universo estadístico de la muestra lo conforman la totalidad de 737 jóvenes universitarios encuestados en Lisboa, Madrid y Fortaleza. Que se distribuye en 104 encuestados en Lisboa, 329 en Madrid, y 304 en la ciudad de Fortaleza. El cuestionario contiene preguntas: abiertas, cerradas y mixtas. La mayor parte de las cuestiones son cerradas, y en cuanto a las opciones de respuesta: en muchas preguntas se ha aplicado, una escala tipo Likert, entre 1 y 4, siendo 4 el grado más alto (totalmente de acuerdo), y 1 el grado más bajo (nada de acuerdo), y para otras, una opción múltiple, con solamente una opción de respuesta. Se realizó un cuestionario de 31 preguntas en Lisboa, y tras su aplicación y obtención de resultados se revisó y mejoró obteniendo un cuestionario de 23 preguntas que fue aplicado en Madrid y Fortaleza. Se realizan análisis descriptivos, y algún análisis factorial en diversas preguntas del cuestionario, y se estudian diferencias en función de las variables sociodemográficas planteadas. Los resultados constatan que es muy baja la participación en los procesos institucionalizados por el gobierno local, en contrapartida es bastante alta en los procesos organizados por los ciudadanos. La información limita la participación de los jóvenes y ya que estos reconocen como motivación estar más y mejor informados y controlar y acompañar las acciones de su gobierno local. Por otra parte, desean participar en grupo en foros y debates presenciales. Los jóvenes madrileños consideran que las etapas más importantes en un proceso urbano participativo son: información, seguimiento y evaluación, mientras que para los jóvenes de Fortaleza son: Fiscalización, concienciación e información. Se ha verificado que desde la percepción de los jóvenes de Lisboa los ciudadanos son consultados en los procesos urbanos participativos y de acuerdo con los jóvenes de Madrid y Fortaleza los ciudadanos son dirigidos, influenciados y manipulados. Los problemas de carácter urbano no tienen una conceptualización clara y precisa entre los jóvenes universitarios y los problemas urbanos que más afectan la vida de los jóvenes universitarios son aparcamientos, contaminación y seguridad urbana. Sin embargo, los transportes son apuntados por los jóvenes universitarios de Lisboa, Madrid y Fortaleza. Además no saben identificar los problemas de su barrio. Así como de las causas y consecuencias y soluciones de los problemas urbanos. Eligen como mejor estrategia para desarrollar un proceso urbano participativo el acuerdo entre técnicos, población y el gobierno local. Los jóvenes universitarios de Fortaleza apuntan directrices para una planificación urbana con énfasis en la seguridad urbana, la sostenibilidad y la investigación, tecnología e innovación. Por otro lado, los jóvenes universitarios de Madrid perfilan tres “modelos” de planificación urbana: un “Modelo” socio-económica, un “Modelo” sostenible e innovadora y un “Modelo” de Planificación Urbana con énfasis en espacios públicos, entretenimiento, seguridad urbana y deporte. Los jóvenes universitarios rechazan la idea que la planificación urbana lleva en cuenta sus perspectivas y opiniones. Respeto al Presupuesto Participativo, el alcance de dicho proceso entre los jóvenes universitarios es extremamente bajo. Sin embargo, opinan que la aproximación entre ciudadanos, técnicos y gobierno en los procesos de Presupuesto Participativo mejora la rendición de cuentas. Además los jóvenes creen que dichos procesos conceden un poder moderado a los ciudadanos, y consideran que el poder concedido en los procesos urbanos influye directamente en el interés y empeño en participar. ABSTRACT Youth participation in urban planning processes in Lisbon, Madrid and Fortaleza is the main subject of this thesis. Our key goals are the following: characterising and critically analysing the most important dimensions of young university students’ participation in participative processes; providing features of interest for the young for an urban planning “model”; developing a variety of guidelines for designing actions in a participative urban process from the perspective of young people; analysing the impact upon the young of a participative urban instrument implemented by the local government; determining whether young university students’ perception of local government actions influences participative processes. The statistical universe of the sample comprises a total of 737 young university students who were surveyed in Lisbon, Madrid and Fortaleza, distributed as follows: 104 respondents in Lisbon, 329 in Madrid, and 304 in Fortaleza. The survey is made up of open-ended, closed-ended and mixed questions. Most questions are closed-ended. Regarding the answer options, a Likert-type scale has been used in many questions. The scale ranges from 1 to 4, 4 being the highest value (completely agree) and 1 the lowest (completely disagree). Besides, there are multiple-choice questions with only one possible answer. A 31- question survey was conducted in Lisbon. After the survey was run and the results were obtained, it was reviewed and improved. The improved version was a 23- question survey which was conducted in Madrid and Fortaleza. Descriptive analyses as well as some factorial analyses are carried out in several questions, and differences are studied depending on the socio-demographic variables involved. The results show that participation in processes implemented by local governments is very low. In contrast, participation is quite high in processes organised by citizens. Information limits youth participation, as young people point out that they are motivated by more and better information and by the possibility of monitoring and keeping track of their local government actions. They also wish to take part in face-to-face group forums and discussions. Young people from Madrid think that the most important stages in participative urban processes are information, follow-up and assessment, whereas young people from Fortaleza highlight tax matters, awareness and information. It has been confirmed that Lisbon youth perceive that citizens are consulted in participative urban processes. Youth from Madrid and Fortaleza, on the other hand, state that citizens are directed, influenced and manipulated. Young university students do not have a clear, precise concept of urban problems. Among these, they are most affected by car parks, pollution and urban safety, but the transport problem is pointed out by young university students from Lisbon, Madrid and Fortaleza. Furthermore, they cannot identify the problems in their neighbourhoods, nor are they able to specify the causes, consequences and solutions of urban problems. Their preferred strategy for developing a participative urban process is an agreement between technicians, the population and the local government. Young university students from Fortaleza suggest guidelines for an urban planning approach emphasising urban safety, sustainability and research, technology and innovation. Those from Madrid, for their part, outline three urban planning “models”: a socioeconomic “model”, a sustainable and innovative “model”, and an urban planning “model” with a focus on public areas, entertainment, urban safety and sport. Young university students disagree that urban planning takes their perspectives and views into account. Moreover, the impact of the Participative Budget upon their lives is extremely low. In their opinion, however, closer collaboration between citizens, technicians and governments in Participative Budget processes promotes accountability. The young also think that these processes give moderate power to citizens, and in their view the power that can be exerted in urban processes directly influences the interest in participating and the will to do so.

La reutilización de efluentes depurados en España: retrospectiva, desarrollo del marco normativo, estudio de las tecnologías de regeneración frente a los biorreactores de membrana y sus costes en función del uso

La reutilización de efluentes depurados siempre ha sido una opción en lugares con déficit coyuntural o estructural de recursos hídricos, se haya o no procedido a la regulación y planificación de esta práctica. La necesidad se crea a partir de las demandas de una zona, normalmente riego agrícola, que ven un mejor desarrollo de su actividad por contar con este recurso. España es el país de la UE que más caudal reutiliza, y está dentro de los diez primeros a nivel mundial. La regulación de esta práctica por el RD 1620/2007, ayudó a incorporar la reutilización de efluentes depurados a la planificación hidrológica como parte de los programas de medidas, con objeto de mitigar presiones, como son las extracciones de agua superficial y subterránea, o mejoras medioambientales evitando un vertido. El objeto de este trabajo es conocer la situación de la reutilización de efluentes depurados en España, los diferentes escenarios y planteamientos de esta actividad, el desarrollo del marco normativo y su aplicabilidad, junto a los tratamientos que permiten alcanzar los límites de calidad establecidos en la normativa vigente, en función de los distintos usos. Además, se aporta un análisis de costes de las distintas unidades de tratamiento y tipologías de líneas de regeneración, tanto de las utilizadas después de un tratamiento secundario como de otras opciones de depuración, como son los biorreactores de membrana (MBRs). Para el desarrollo de estos objetivos, en primer lugar, se aborda el conocimiento de la situación de la reutilización en España a través de una base de datos diseñada para cubrir todos los aspectos de esta actividad: datos de la estación depuradora de aguas residuales (EDAR), de la estación regeneradora (ERA), caudales depurados, reutilizados, volúmenes utilizados y ubicación de los distintos usos, tipos de líneas de tratamiento, calidades del agua reutilizada, etc. Las principales fuentes de información son las Confederaciones Hidrográficas (CCHH) a través de las concesiones de uso del agua depurada, las entidades de saneamiento y depuración de las distintas comunidades autónomas (CCAA), ayuntamientos, Planes Hidrológicos de Cuenca (PHC) y visitas a las zonas más emblemáticas. Además, se revisan planes y programas con el fin de realizar una retrospectiva de cómo se ha ido consolidando y desarrollando esta práctica en las distintas zonas de la geografía española. Se han inventariado 322 sistemas de reutilización y 216 tratamientos de regeneración siendo el más extendido la filtración mediante filtro arena seguido de una desinfección mediante hipoclorito, aunque este tratamiento se ha ido sustituyendo por un físico-químico con decantación lamelar, filtro de arena y radiación ultravioleta, tratamiento de regeneración convencional (TRC), y otros tratamientos que pueden incluir membranas, tratamientos de regeneración avanzados (TRA), con dosificación de hipoclorito como desinfección residual, para adaptarse al actual marco normativo. El uso más extendido es el agrícola con el 70% del caudal total reutilizado, estimado en 408 hm3, aunque la capacidad de los tratamientos de regeneración esperada para 2015, tras el Plan Nacional de Reutilización de Aguas (PNRA), es tres veces superior. Respecto al desarrollo normativo, en las zonas donde la reutilización ha sido pionera, las administraciones competentes han ido desarrollando diferentes recomendaciones de calidad y manejo de este tipo de agua. El uso agrícola, y en zonas turísticas, el riego de campos de golf, fueron los dos primeros usos que tuvieron algún tipo de recomendación incluso reglamentación. Esta situación inicial, sin una normativa a nivel estatal ni recomendaciones europeas, creó cierta incertidumbre en el avance de la reutilización tanto a nivel de concesiones como de planificación. En la actualidad sigue sin existir una normativa internacional para la reutilización y regeneración de efluentes depurados. Las recomendaciones de referencia a nivel mundial, y en concreto para el uso agrícola, son las de la OMS (Organización Mundial de la Salud) publicadas 1989, con sus posteriores revisiones y ampliaciones (OMS, 2006). Esta norma combina tratamientos básicos de depuración y unas buenas prácticas basadas en diferentes niveles de protección para evitar problemas sanitarios. Otra normativa que ha sido referencia en el desarrollo del marco normativo en países donde se realiza esta práctica, son las recomendaciones dadas por la Agencia Medioambiente Estadunidense (USEPA, 2012) o las publicadas por el Estado de California (Título 22, 2001). Estas normas establecen unos indicadores y valores máximos dónde el tratamiento de regeneración es el responsable de la calidad final en función del uso. Durante 2015, la ISO trabajaba en un documento para el uso urbano donde se muestra tanto los posibles parámetros que habría que controlar como la manera de actuar para evitar posibles riesgos. Por otro lado, la Comisión Europea (CE) viene impulsando desde el 2014 la reutilización de aguas depuradas dentro del marco de la Estrategia Común de Implantación de la Directiva Marco del Agua, y fundamentalmente a través del grupo de trabajo de “Programas de medidas”. Para el desarrollo de esta iniciativa se está planteando sacar para 2016 una guía de recomendaciones que podría venir a completar el marco normativo de los distintos Estados Miembros (EM). El Real Decreto 1620/2007, donde se establece el marco jurídico de la reutilización de efluentes depurados, tiende más a la filosofía implantada por la USEPA, aunque la UE parece más partidaria de una gestión del riesgo, donde se establecen unos niveles de tolerancia y unos puntos de control en función de las condiciones socioeconómicas de los distintos Estados, sin entrar a concretar indicadores, valores máximos o tratamientos. Sin embargo, en la normativa estadounidense se indican una serie de tratamientos de regeneración, mientras que, en la española, se hacen recomendaciones a este respecto en una Guía sin validez legal. Por tanto, queda sin regular los procesos para alcanzar estos estándares de calidad, pudiendo ser éstos no apropiados para esta práctica. Es el caso de la desinfección donde el uso de hipoclorito puede generar subproductos indeseables. En la Guía de recomendaciones para la aplicación del RD, publicada por el Ministerio de Agricultura y Medioambiente (MAGRAMA) en 2010, se aclaran cuestiones frecuentes sobre la aplicación del RD, prescripciones técnicas básicas para los sistemas de reutilización, y buenas prácticas en función del uso. Aun así, el RD sigue teniendo deficiencias en su aplicación siendo necesaria una revisión de la misma, como en las frecuencias de muestreo incluso la omisión de algunos parámetros como huevos de nematodos que se ha demostrado ser inexistentes tras un tratamiento de regeneración convencional. En este sentido, existe una tendencia a nivel mundial a reutilizar las aguas con fines de abastecimiento, incluir indicadores de presencia de virus o protozoos, o incluir ciertas tecnologías como las membranas u oxidaciones avanzadas para afrontar temas como los contaminantes emergentes. Otro de los objetivos de este trabajo es el estudio de tipologías de tratamiento en función de los usos establecidos en el RD 1620/2007 y sus costes asociados, siendo base de lo establecido a este respecto en la Guía y PNRA anteriormente indicados. Las tipologías de tratamiento propuestas se dividen en líneas con capacidad de desalar y las que no cuentan con una unidad de desalación de aguas salobres de ósmosis inversa o electrodiálisis reversible. Se realiza esta división al tener actuaciones en zonas costeras donde el agua de mar entra en los colectores, adquiriendo el agua residual un contenido en sales que es limitante en algunos usos. Para desarrollar este objetivo se han estudiado las unidades de tratamiento más implantadas en ERAs españolas en cuanto a fiabilidad para conseguir determinada calidad y coste, tanto de implantación como de explotación. El TRC, tiene un coste de implantación de 28 a 48 €.m-3.d y de explotación de 0,06 a 0,09 €. m-3, mientras que, si se precisara desalar, este coste se multiplica por diez en la implantación y por cinco en la explotación. En caso de los usos que requieren de TRA, como los domiciliarios o algunos industriales, los costes serían de 185 a 398 €.m-3.d en implantación y de 0,14 a 0,20 €.m-3 en explotación. En la selección de tecnologías de regeneración, la capacidad del tratamiento en relación al coste es un indicador fundamental. Este trabajo aporta curvas de tendencia coste-capacidad que sirven de herramienta de selección frente a otros tratamientos de regeneración de reciente implantación como son los MBR, u otros como la desalación de agua de mar o los trasvases entre cuencas dentro de la planificación hidrológica. En España, el aumento de las necesidades de agua de alta calidad en zonas con recursos escasos, aumento de zonas sensibles como puntos de captación para potables, zonas de baño o zonas de producción piscícola, y en ocasiones, el escaso terreno disponible para la implantación de nuevas plantas depuradoras (EDARs), han convertido a los MBRs, en una opción dentro del marco de la reutilización de aguas depuradas. En este trabajo, se estudia esta tecnología frente a los TRC y TRA, aportando igualmente curvas de tendencia coste-capacidad, e identificando cuando esta opción tecnológica puede ser más competitiva frente a los otros tratamientos de regeneración. Un MBR es un tratamiento de depuración de fangos activos donde el decantador secundario es sustituido por un sistema de membranas de UF o MF. La calidad del efluente, por tanto, es la misma que el de una EDAR seguida de un TRA. Los MBRs aseguran una calidad del efluente para todos los usos establecidos en el RD, incluso dan un efluente que permite ser directamente tratado por las unidades de desalación de OI o EDR. La implantación de esta tecnología en España ha tenido un crecimiento exponencial, pasando de 13 instalaciones de menos de 5.000 m3. d-1 en el 2006, a más de 55 instalaciones en operación o construcción a finales del 2014, seis de ellas con capacidades por encima de los 15.000 m3. d-1. Los sistemas de filtración en los MBR son los que marcan la operación y diseño de este tipo de instalaciones. El sistema más implantado en España es de membrana de fibra hueca (MFH), sobre todo para instalaciones de gran capacidad, destacando Zenon que cuenta con el 57% de la capacidad total instalada. La segunda casa comercial con mayor número de plantas es Kubota, con membranas de configuración placa plana (MPP), que cuenta con el 30 % de la capacidad total instalada. Existen otras casas comerciales implantadas en MBR españoles como son Toray, Huber, Koch o Microdym. En este documento se realiza la descripción de los sistemas de filtración de todas estas casas comerciales, aportando información de sus características, parámetros de diseño y operación más relevantes. El estudio de 14 MBRs ha posibilitado realizar otro de los objetivos de este trabajo, la estimación de los costes de explotación e implantación de este tipo de sistemas frente a otras alternativas de tratamiento de regeneración. En este estudio han participado activamente ACA y ESAMUR, entidades públicas de saneamiento y depuración de Cataluña y Murcia respectivamente, que cuentan con una amplia experiencia en la explotación de este tipo de sistemas. Este documento expone los problemas de operación encontrados y sus posibles soluciones, tanto en la explotación como en los futuros diseños de este tipo de plantas. El trabajo concluye que los MBRs son una opción más para la reutilización de efluentes depurados, siendo ventajosos en costes, tanto de implantación como de explotación, respecto a EDARs seguidas de TRA en capacidades por encima de los 10.000 m3.d-1. ABSTRACT The reuse of treated effluent has always been an option in places where a situational or structural water deficit exists, whether regulatory and/or planning efforts are completed or not. The need arises from the demand of a sector, commonly agricultural irrigation, which benefits of this new resource. Within the EU, Spain is ahead in the annual volume of reclaimed water, and is among the top ten countries at a global scale. The regulation of this practice through the Royal Decree 1620/2007 has helped to incorporate the water reuse to the hydrological plans as a part of the programme of measures to mitigate pressures such as surface or ground water extraction, or environmental improvements preventing discharges. The object of this study is to gain an overview of the state of the water reuse in Spain, the different scenarios and approaches to this activity, the development of the legal framework and its enforceability, together with the treatments that achieve the quality levels according to the current law, broken down by applications. Additionally, a cost analysis of technologies and regeneration treatment lines for water reclamation is performed, whereas the regeneration treatment is located after a wastewater treatment or other options such as membrane bioreactors (MBR). To develop the abovementioned objectives, the state of water reuse in Spain is studied by means of a database designed to encompass all aspects of the activity: data from the wastewater treatment plants (WWTP), from the water reclamation plants (WRP), the use of reclaimed water, treated water and reclaimed water annual volumes and qualities, facilities and applications, geographic references, technologies, regeneration treatment lines, etc. The main data providers are the River Basin authorities, through the concession or authorization for water reuse, (sanitary and wastewater treatment managers from the territorial governments, local governments, Hydrological Plans of the River Basins and field visits to the main water reuse systems. Additionally, a review of different plans and programmes on wastewater treatment or water reuse is done, aiming to put the development and consolidation process of this activity in the different regions of Spain in perspective. An inventory of 322 reuse systems and 216 regeneration treatments has been gathered on the database, where the most extended regeneration treatment line was sand filtration followed by hypochlorite disinfection, even though recently it is being replaced by physical–chemical treatment with a lamella settling system, depth sand filtration, and a disinfection with ultraviolet radiation and hypochlorite as residual disinfectant, named conventional regeneration treatment (CRT), and another treatment that may include a membrane process, named advanced regeneration treatment (ART), to adapt to legal requirements. Agricultural use is the most extended, accumulating 70% of the reclaimed demand, estimated at 408 hm3, even though the expected total capacity of WRPs for 2015, after the implementation of the National Water Reuse Plan (NWRP) is three times higher. According to the development of the water reuse legal framework, there were pioneer areas where competent authorities developed different quality and use recommendations for this new resource. Agricultural use and golf course irrigation in touristic areas were the first two uses with recommendations and even legislation. The initial lack of common legislation for water reuse at a national or European level created some doubts which affected the implementation of water reuse, both from a planning and a licensing point of view. Currently there is still a lack of common international legislation regarding water reuse, technologies and applications. Regarding agricultural use, the model recommendations at a global scale are those set by the World Health Organization published in 1989, and subsequent reviews and extensions about risk prevention (WHO, 2006). These documents combine wastewater treatments with basic regeneration treatments reinforced by good practices based on different levels of protection to avoid deleterious health effects. Another relevant legal reference for this practices has been the Environmental Protection Agency of the US (USEPA, 2012), or those published by the State of California (Title 22, 2001). These establish indicator targets and maximum thresholds where regeneration treatment lines are responsible for the final quality according to the different uses. During 2015, the ISO has worked on a document aimed at urban use, where the possible parameters to be monitored together with risk prevention have been studied. On the other hand, the European Commission has been promoting the reuse of treated effluents within the Common Implementation Strategy of the Water Framework Directive, mainly through the work of the Programme of Measures Working Group. Within this context, the publication of a recommendation guide during 2016 is intended, as a useful tool to fill in the legal gaps of different Member States on the matter. The Royal Decree 1620/2007, where the water reuse regulation is set, resembles the principles of the USEPA more closely, even though the EU shows a tendency to prioritize risk assessment by establishing tolerance levels and thresholds according to socioeconomic conditions of the different countries, without going into details of indicators, maximum thresholds or treatments. In contrast, in the US law, regeneration treatments are indicated, while in the Spanish legislation, the only recommendations to this respect are compiled in a non-compulsory guide. Therefore, there is no regulation on the different treatment lines used to achieve the required quality standards, giving room for inappropriate practices in this respect. This is the case of disinfection, where the use of hypochlorite may produce harmful byproducts. In the recommendation Guide for the application of the Royal Decree (RD), published by the Ministry of Agriculture and Environment (MAGRAMA) in 2010, clarifications of typical issues that may arise from the application of the RD are given, as well as basic technical parameters to consider in reuse setups, or good practices according to final use. Even so, the RD still presents difficulties in its application and requires a review on issues such as the sampling frequency of current quality parameters or even the omission of nematode eggs indicator, which have been shown to be absent after CRT. In this regard, there is a global tendency to employ water reuse for drinking water, including indicators for the presence of viruses and protozoans, or to include certain technologies such as membranes or advanced oxidation processes to tackle problems like emerging pollutants. Another of the objectives of this study is to provide different regeneration treatment lines to meet the quality requirements established in the RD 1620/2007 broken down by applications, and to estimate establishment and operational costs. This proposal has been based on what is established in the above mentioned Guide and NWRP. The proposed treatment typologies are divided in treatment trains with desalination, like reverse osmosis or reversible electrodialisis, and those that lack this treatment for brackish water. This separation is done due to coastal facilities, where sea water may permeate the collecting pipes, rising salt contents in the wastewater, hence limiting certain uses. To develop this objective a study of the most common treatment units set up in Spanish WRPs is conducted in terms of treatment train reliability to obtain an acceptable relationship between the required quality and the capital and operational costs. The CRT has an establishment cost of 28 to 48 €.m-3.d and an operation cost of 0.06 to 0.09 €.m-3, while, if desalination was required, these costs would increase tenfold for implementation and fivefold for operation. In the cases of uses that require ART, such as residential or certain industrial uses, the costs would be of 185 to 398 €.m-3.d for implementation and of 0.14 to 0.20 €.m-3 for operation. When selecting regeneration treatment lines, the relation between treatment capacity and cost is a paramount indicator. This project provides cost-capacity models for regeneration treatment trains. These may serve as a tool when selecting between different options to fulfill water demands with MBR facilities, or others such as sea water desalination plants or inter-basin water transfer into a water planning framework. In Spain, the requirement for high quality water in areas with low resource availability, the increasing number of sensitive zones, such as drinking water extraction, recreational bathing areas, fish protected areas and the lack of available land to set up new WWTPs, have turned MBRs into a suitable option for water reuse. In this work this technology is analyzed in contrast to CRT and ART, providing cost-capacity models, and identifying when and where this treatment option may outcompete other regeneration treatments. An MBR is an activated sludge treatment where the secondary settling is substituted by a membrane system of UF or MF. The quality of the effluent is, therefore, comparable to that of a WWTP followed by an ART. MBRs ensure a sufficient quality level for the requirements of the different uses established in the RD, even producing an effluent that can be directly treated in OI or EDR processes. The implementation of this technology in Spain has grown exponentially, growing from 13 facilities with less than 5000 m3.d-1 in 2006 to above 55 facilities operating by the end of 2014, 6 of them with capacities over 15000 m3.d-1. The membrane filtration systems for MBR are the ones that set the pace of operation and design of this type of facilities. The most widespread system in Spain is the hollow fiber membrane configuration, especially on high flow capacities, being Zenon commercial technology, which mounts up to 57% of the total installed capacity, the main contributor. The next commercial technology according to plant number is Kubota, which uses flat sheet membrane configuration, which mounts up to 30% of the total installed capacity. Other commercial technologies exist within the Spanish MBR context, such as Toray, Huber, Koch or Microdym. In this document an analysis of all of these membrane filtration systems is done, providing information about their characteristics and relevant design and operation parameters. The study of 14 full scale running MBRs has enabled to pursue another of the objectives of this work: the estimation of the implementation and operation costs of this type of systems in contrast to other regeneration alternatives. Active participation of ACA and ESAMUR, public wastewater treatment and reuse entities of Cataluña and Murcia respectively, has helped attaining this objective. A number of typical operative problems and their possible solutions are discussed, both for operation and plant design purposes. The conclusion of this study is that MBRs are another option to consider for water reuse, being advantageous in terms of both implementation and operational costs, when compared with WWTPs followed by ART, when considering flow capacities above 10000 m3.d-1.

Del plan a la realidad: gobernanza y toma de decisiones en los procesos de regeneración urbana. El caso de Boston = From plan to reality: governance and decision-making in urban regeneration processes in Boston

En las últimas tres décadas, las dinámicas de restructuración económica a nivel global han redefinido radicalmente el papel de las ciudades. La transición del keynesianismo al neoliberalismo ha provocado un cambio en las políticas urbanas de los gobiernos municipales, que han abandonado progresivamente las tareas de regulación y redistribución para centrarse en la promoción del crecimiento económico y la competitividad. En este contexto, muchas voces críticas han señalado que la regeneración urbana se ha convertido en un vehículo de extracción de valor de la ciudad y está provocando la expulsión de los ciudadanos más vulnerables. Sin embargo, la regeneración de áreas consolidadas supone también una oportunidad de mejora de las condiciones de vida de la población residente, y es una política necesaria para controlar la expansión de la ciudad y reducir las necesidades de desplazamiento, promoviendo así ciudades más sostenibles. Partiendo de la hipótesis de que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana es clave en el resultado final de las operaciones y determina el modelo de ciudad resultante, el objetivo de esta investigación es verificar si la regeneración urbana es necesariamente un mecanismo de extracción de valor o si puede mejorar la calidad de vida en las ciudades a través de la participación de los ciudadanos. Para ello, propone un marco de análisis del proceso de toma de decisiones en los planes de regeneración urbana y su impacto en los resultados de los planes, tomando como caso de estudio la ciudad de Boston, que desde los años 1990 trata de convertirse en una “ciudad de los barrios”, fomentando la participación ciudadana al tiempo que se posiciona en la escena económica global. El análisis se centra en dos operaciones de regeneración iniciadas a finales de los años 1990. Por un lado, el caso de Jackson Square nos permite comprender el papel de la sociedad civil y el tercer sector en la regeneración de los barrios más desfavorecidos, en un claro ejemplo de urbanismo “desde abajo” (bottom-up planning). Por otro, la reconversión del frente marítimo de South Boston para la construcción del Distrito de Innovación nos acerca a las grandes operaciones de regeneración urbana con fines de estímulo económico, tradicionalmente vinculadas a los centros financieros (downtown) y dirigidas por las élites gubernamentales y económicas (la growth machine) a través de procesos más tecnocráticos (top-down planning). La metodología utilizada consiste en el análisis cualitativo de los procesos de toma de decisiones y la relación entre los agentes implicados, así como de la evaluación de la implementación de dichas decisiones y su influencia en el modelo urbano resultante. El análisis de los casos permite afirmar que la gobernanza de los procesos de regeneración urbana influye decisivamente en el resultado final de las intervenciones; sin embargo, la participación de la comunidad local en la toma de decisiones no es suficiente para que el resultado de la regeneración urbana contrarreste los efectos de la neoliberalización, especialmente si se limita a la fase de planeamiento y no se extiende a la fase de ejecución, y si no está apoyada por una movilización política de mayor alcance que asegure una acción pública redistributiva. Asimismo, puede afirmarse que los procesos de regeneración urbana suponen una redefinición del modelo de ciudad, dado que la elección de los espacios de intervención tiene consecuencias sobre el equilibrio territorial de la ciudad. Los resultados de esta investigación tienen implicaciones para la disciplina del planeamiento urbano. Por una parte, se confirma la vigencia del paradigma del “urbanismo negociado”, si bien bajo discursos de liderazgo público y sin apelación al protagonismo del sector privado. Por otra parte, la planificación colaborativa en un contexto de “responsabilización” de las organizaciones comunitarias puede desactivar la potencia política de la participación ciudadana y servir como “amortiguador” hacia el gobierno local. Asimismo, la sustitución del planeamiento general como instrumento de definición de la ciudad futura por una planificación oportunista basada en la actuación en áreas estratégicas que tiren del resto de la ciudad, no permite definir un modelo coherente y consensuado de la ciudad que se desea colectivamente, ni permite utilizar el planeamiento como mecanismo de redistribución. ABSTRACT In the past three decades, the dynamics of global economic restructuring have radically redefined the role of cities. The transition from keynesianism to neoliberalism has caused a shift in local governments’ urban policies, which have progressively abandoned the tasks of regulation and redistribution to focus on promoting economic growth and competitiveness. In this context, many critics have pointed out that urban regeneration has become a vehicle for extracting value from the city and is causing the expulsion of the most vulnerable citizens. However, regeneration of consolidated areas is also an opportunity to improve the living conditions of the resident population, and is a necessary policy to control the expansion of the city and reduce the need for transportation, thus promoting more sustainable cities. Assuming that the governance of urban regeneration processes is key to the final outcome of the plans and determines the resulting city model, the goal of this research is to verify whether urban regeneration is necessarily a value extraction mechanism or if it can improve the quality of life in cities through citizens’ participation. It proposes a framework for analysis of decision-making in urban regeneration processes and their impact on the results of the plans, taking as a case study the city of Boston, which since the 1990s is trying to become a "city of neighborhoods", encouraging citizen participation, while seeking to position itself in the global economic scene. The analysis focuses on two redevelopment plans initiated in the late 1990s. The Jackson Square case allows us to understand the role of civil society and the third sector in the regeneration of disadvantaged neighborhoods, in a clear example of bottom-up planning. On the contrary, the conversion of the South Boston waterfront to build the Innovation District takes us to the big redevelopment efforts with economic stimulus’ goals, traditionally linked to downtowns and led by government and economic elites (the local “growth machine”) through more technocratic processes (top-down planning). The research is based on a qualitative analysis of the processes of decision making and the relationship between those involved, as well as the evaluation of the implementation of those decisions and their influence on the resulting urban model. The analysis suggests that the governance of urban regeneration processes decisively influences the outcome of interventions; however, community engagement in the decision-making process is not enough for the result of the urban regeneration to counteract the effects of neoliberalization, especially if it is limited to the planning phase and does not extend to the implementation of the projects, and if it is not supported by a broader political mobilization to ensure a redistributive public action. Moreover, urban regeneration processes redefine the urban model, since the choice of intervention areas has important consequences for the territorial balance of the city. The results of this study have implications for the discipline of urban planning. On the one hand, it confirms the validity of the "negotiated planning" paradigm, albeit under public leadership discourse and without a direct appeal to the leadership role of the private sector. On the other hand, collaborative planning in a context of "responsibilization" of community based organizations can deactivate the political power of citizen participation and serve as a "buffer" towards the local government. Furthermore, the replacement of comprehensive planning, as a tool for defining the city's future, by an opportunistic planning based on intervention in strategic areas that are supposed to induce change in the rest of the city, does not allow a coherent and consensual urban model that is collectively desired, nor it allows to use planning as a redistribution mechanism.

El reto de la extensión agraria en el Perú: de la transferencia de tecnologías a un trabajo integrado sobre el territorio. Aplicación en la provincia de Aymaraes

La extensión agraria entendida como transferencia de tecnología que tuvo su auge en la llamada Revolución Verde, con el paso del tiempo empezó a mostrar serias deficiencias en su objetivo de lograr que los agricultores asumieran las nuevas tecnologías, esto motivo un continuo trabajo de investigación en el área que ha generado una serie de modelos y enfoques. Sin embargo, a pesar que mucho ha cambiado, aún no se logra responder adecuadamente a la necesidad de cambio e innovación que tienen los pequeños productores de los países en desarrollo. El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo proponer un modelo para el desarrollo de la producción agrícola en el marco de un trabajo integrado sobre el territorio. Para esto se ha analizado los cambios referentes a los procesos de desarrollo rural y como éstos han impactado directamente en la forma en la que se concibe la extensión. En este recorrido podemos ver con claridad cómo los procesos de desarrollo que partían de un modelo exógeno, van cediendo a procesos endógenos y neo-endógenos, en donde el territorio tiene un valor fundamental. Se plantea que tanto la globalización como el Cambio Climático constituyen nuevos desafíos para el desarrollo rural. Posteriormente, en el análisis de la extensión agropecuaria en el mundo, se ha podido observar como la extensión ha ido cambiando hacia procesos más participativos y horizontales, introduciéndose en ella también los conceptos de innovación y de sistemas, como la posibilidad de comprender su complejidad. Al hacer el recorrido de la Extensión Agraria en el Perú se puede visualizar como, al igual que en el mundo, tuo un periodo de apogeo pero seguido de un periodo de crisis que terminó por eliminarla del espacio público. Actualmente los servicios de extensión en el Perú se manejan por entidades privadas, gobiernos locales y proyectos especiales, pero ninguno de ellos llega realmente al pequeño productor, que constituye la población más importante en países como el Perú. Este trabajo plantea un modelo para responder a este contexto, el cual se basa en tres enfoques de diferentes ámbitos: el Desarrollo Económico Local, El metamodelo WWP (Working with people) y los sistemas de innovación agrícolas. El modelo plantea un trabajo en cuatro componentes a señalar: (1) Planificación basada en herramientas técnicas y entendida como aprendizaje social, (2) Fortalecimiento del Capital Social ya existente, (3) Servicios de extensión con nuevas tecnologías y (4) Acompañamiento a los productores en el mercado. En este modelo, una consideración muy especial la tiene la entidad articuladora o bróker del presente sistema, el cual es una entidad que se encarga de activar y mantener el sistema, tomando en consideración la importancia del fortalecimiento de las redes sobre el territorio. La aplicación de este modelo se realizó en cuatro distritos de la provincia de Aymaraes (Región Apurimac) que se encuentran formando parte de la cuenca del Río Pachachaca. Para verificar la idoneidad del modelo en el fortalecimiento de las actividades agropecuarias, se realizó un análisis de una línea de base y de una línea de salida, estableciendo una serie de indicadores. Se realizó también un análisis ex – post para determinar las posibilidades de sostenibilidad del modelo. Se concluyó luego de la aplicación que el modelo tiene una serie de condiciones importantes para la eficacia y la sostenibilidad de los procesos de desarrollo de las actividades agropecuarias, aunque es necesario establecer algunos requisitos básicos para el funcionamiento de la propuesta, tales como la presencia de un actor que pueda actuar como articulador y la necesidad de trabajar a un nivel provincial en lugar de local. ABSTRACT Throughout time, agricultural extension, understood as technology transfer, that had its peak during the Green Revolution, began to show serious deficiencies in its goal of making farmers assume the new technologies. This created continuous research in the area that has generated a number of models and approaches. However, although much has changed, yet it fails to respond adequately to the need for change and innovation that small producers of developing countries have. This study aims to propose a model for the development of agricultural production in the framework of an integrated work on the territory. For this purpose, this research analyzed the changes related to rural development processes and how they have directly impacted on how the extension is conceived. On this tour it can be clearly seen how the development processes that started from an exogenous model, are giving way to neo-endogenous and endogenous processes, where the territory has a fundamental value. It is proposed that both globalization and climate change pose new challenges for rural development. Later in the analysis of agricultural extension in the world, it has been observed how the extension has been changing towards more participatory and horizontal processes, also introducing in it the innovative and systems concepts, as well as the ability to understand its complexity. When making the path of the agricultural extension in Peru, it can be seen how, same as it happened in the world, it had peak period that was followed by a crisis that eventually eliminated it from the public space. Currently, the extension services in Peru are managed by private entities, local governments and special projects, but none of them actually reach the small producer, who represents the most important population in countries like Peru. This paper proposes a model to respond to this context, which is based on three approaches of different areas: Local Economic Development, WWP metamodel (Working with people) and the agricultural innovation systems. The model presents a work in four parts to note: (1) Planning based in technical tools and understood as social learning, (2) Strengthening of the existing social capital, (3) Extension services with new technologies and (4) Support of producers in the market. In this model, special consideration is given to the coordinating entity or broker of this system, which is an entity that is responsible for activating and maintaining the system, taking into account the importance of strengthening networks in the territory. The application of this model was conducted in four districts of the Aymaraes province (Apurimac Region) which are part of the Rio Pachachaca watershed. To verify the suitability of the model in strengthening agricultural activities, an analysis of a baseline and a starting line was made, establishing a series of indicators. An analysis ex-post was also performed to determine the possibilities of sustainability of the model. After the application it was concluded that the model has a number of important conditions for the effectiveness and sustainability of development processes of agricultural activities, although it is necessary to establish some basic requirements for the operation of the proposal, such as the presence of an actor who can act as an articulator and the need to work at a provincial level rather than locally.

Outreach to public health professionals: lessons learned from a collaborative Iowa public health project*

In 1995, the National Library of Medicine (NLM) and the Public Health Service (PHS) recommended that special attention be given to the information needs of unaffiliated public health professionals. In response, the National Network of Libraries of Medicine (NN/LM) Greater Midwest Region initiated a collaborative outreach program for public health professionals working in rural east and central Iowa. Five public health agencies were provided equipment, training, and support for accessing the Internet. Key factors in the success of this project were: (1) the role of collaborating agencies in the implementation and ongoing success of information access outreach projects; (2) knowledge of the socio-cultural factors that influence the information-seeking habits of project participants (public health professionals); and (3) management of changing or varying technological infrastructures. Working with their funding, personnel from federal, state, and local governments enhanced the information-seeking skills of public health professionals in rural eastern and central Iowa communities.

Public Lawyers and Marijuana Regulation

Although 23 states and the District of Columbia have now legalized marijuana for medical purposes, marijuana remains a prohibited substance under federal law. Because the production, sale, possession and use of marijuana remain illegal, there is a risk of prosecution under federal laws. Furthermore, those who help marijuana users and providers put themselves at risk — federal law punishes not only those who violate drug laws but also those who assist or conspire with them to do so. In the case of lawyers representing marijuana users and businesspeople, this means not only the real (though remote) risk of criminal prosecution but also the more immediate risk of professional discipline. Elsewhere, we wrote about the difficult place in which lawyers find themselves when representing marijuana clients. We argued that while both the criminal law and the rules of professional conduct rightly require legal obedience from lawyers, other countervailing factors must be considered when evaluating lawyers’ representation of marijuana clients. In particular, we asserted that considerations of equity and access to justice weigh dispositively in favor of protecting lawyers who endeavor to help their clients comply with state marijuana laws, and we suggested means of interpreting relevant criminal law provisions and rules of professional conduct to achieve this result. This article builds on that analysis, taking on the particular issue of the public lawyer’s’ role in marijuana regulation. For government lawyers, the key issues in exercising discretion in the context of marijuana are not clients’ access to the law and equality but rather determining the clients’ wishes and serving them diligently and ethically. Lawyers representing state agencies, legislatures and the executive branch of government draft and interpret the rules and regulations regarding marijuana. Lawyers for federal, state and local governments then interpret those rules to determine the obligations and responsibilities of those they represent and to help their clients meet those obligations and carry out their required tasks. Both state and federal prosecutors are charged with determining what conduct remains illegal under the new rules and, perhaps more importantly, with exercising discretion regarding whom to prosecute and to what extent. Marijuana regulation is not a niche area of government regulation; it will influence the practice of virtually every public lawyer in the years to come. Public lawyers must understand the changes in marijuana law and the implications for government clients. Given the pervasiveness of the modern regulatory state, the situation is no easier — and, in many ways, it is more complicated — for public lawyers than it is for private ones. Public lawyers face myriad practice challenges with respect to marijuana law reform, and while we do not purport to identify and resolve all of the issues that are sure to arise in this short paper, we hope that the article helps alert public lawyers to some of the risks involved in participating in marijuana regulation so that they can think carefully about their obligations when these issues arise.

The Superagency Solution

In many parts of the country, hydraulic fracturing has brought energy development onto people’s doorsteps. Efforts by local governments to employ traditional land use mechanisms to study and mitigate some of the impacts of these latest intrusions have erupted into battles over the scope of statewide agencies’ control. Forgotten in this fray are many renewable energy resources. As a general rule, they are not subject to statewide oversight, and consequently renewable energy providers must navigate the myriad of siting and permitting requirements of local jurisdictions. For several years, scholars have urged more statewide renewable energy siting procedures to level the playing field. California is the national leader in renewable energy deployment, yet its statewide energy commission does not have jurisdiction over the siting of photovoltaic solar or wind energy plants. This article explores when statewide siting is beneficial and when it may be contraindicated, making a case for consolidation of all large-scale siting under the purview of California’s “superagency,” the California Energy Commission.

Fracking/Takings

As the use of fracking has spread during the recent oil and gas boom, inevitable conflicts have arisen between industry and its neighbors, particularly as fracking has moved into densely populated urban and suburban areas. Concerned over the impacts of fracking – such as risks to health and safely, diminished property values, air and water pollution, as well as noise, traffic, and other annoyances – many people have demanded a government response. Government regulation of fracking has struggled to catch up, although in recent years many state and local governments have taken steps to reduce the impacts of fracking in their communities. This article focuses on government restrictions in New York and Colorado, two of the key battlegrounds in the fight over fracking. New York recently prohibited fracking across the entire state, after several towns had enacted their own bans. In Colorado, the people have used the ballot initiative process to enact restrictions on fracking directly. The industry has responded not only with public relations spending to improve the fracking’s damaged reputation, but also legal challenges to these efforts to rein in oil and gas development. In addition to suing local governments, often arguing they do not have authority to regulate fracking, industry threatens to bring costly takings claims for compensation due to alleged economic harms. This Article examines the numerous legal and factual issues that should make it difficult for industry to succeed on fracking/takings claims. First, regulation of fracking, even including outright bans, can almost always be defended as necessary to prevent a nuisance or other background principle of law that justifies government regulation. Even if a nuisance defense could be overcome, industry would have difficulty proving that regulation has destroyed all economic value in their property, unless courts take a narrow view of property that would highlight the arbitrary nature of the “denominator problem.” When fracking/takings claims are considered under the default balancing of the Penn Central case, takings are unlikely to be found except in rare outlier cases. Finally, because requiring governments to pay compensation in fracking/takings cases would likely create a windfall for industry, particularly if the oil and gas eventually is extracted in the future, courts should resist the temptation to rule against government restrictions to protect public health, safety, and the environment.

Trends and Disparities in Mortality Among Spanish-Born and Foreign-Born Populations Residing in Spain, 1999–2008

Spain’s immigrant population has increased 380 % in the last decade, accounting for 13.1 % of the total population. This fact has led her to become during 2009 the eighth recipient country of international immigrants in the world. The aim of this article is to describe the evolution of mortality and the main causes of death among the Spanish-born and foreign-born populations residing in Spain between 1999 and 2008. Age-standardised mortality rates (ASRs), average age and comparative mortality ratios among foreign-born and Spanish-born populations residing in Spain were computed for every year and sub-period by sex, cause of death and place of birth as well as by the ASR percentage change. During 1999–2008 the ASR showed a progressive decrease in the risk of death in the Spanish-born population (−17.8 % for men and −16.6 % for women) as well as in the foreign-born one (−45.9 % for men and −35.7 % for women). ASR also showed a progressive decrease for practically all the causes of death, in both populations. It has been observed that the risk of death due to neoplasms and respiratory diseases among immigrants is lower than that of their Spanish-born counterparts, but risk due to external causes is higher. Places of birth with the greater decreases are Northern Europe, Eastern Europe, Western Europe, Southern Europe, and Latin America and the Caribbean. The research shows the differences in the reduction of death risk between Spanish-born and immigrant inhabitants between 1999 and 2008. These results could contribute to the ability of central and local governments to create effective health policy. Further research is necessary to examine changes in mortality trends among immigrant populations as a consequence of the economic crisis and the reforms in the Spanish health system. Spanish data sources should incorporate into their records information that enables them to find out the immigrant duration of permanence and the possible impact of this on mortality indicators.

The Ontario-Manitoba Boundary Dispute

The powers of the General Government are so much greater than those of the United States in its relations with the Local Governments, that the central power must win. The next quarter century was marked by struggle, or rather a series of struggles, between the Dominion Government and those of the various provinces with as a general rule contrary to Macdonal's expectations, the latter proving successful. Ontario was the most consistent opponent of centralizing tendencies; her most notably victory was scored in what is known as the Ontario-Manitoba Boundary Dispute. It is out intention to deal with this question primarily as a phase of post-Confederation politics.

Svodboda party - the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene. OSW Commentary No. 56, 2011-07-04

Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing increase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist movements, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will become a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. This may cause tension in Polish-Ukrainian relations, where they are affected by decisions made by local governments controlled by the Svoboda Party.

Rotas federativas para a promoção de capacidades estatais municipais: uma análise da experiência brasileira

Esta tese discute como o federalismo brasileiro promoveu, entre 1997 e 2014, iniciativas voltadas a desenvolver capacidades estatais nos municípios. Este tema foi retomado na agenda federal no primeiro governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998), prosseguiu nas duas gestões Lula (2003-2010) e, finalmente, no primeiro mandato de Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014). A descentralização de políticas iniciadas em 1998 constitui o contexto político e institucional que, diante das novas atribuições assumidas pelos municípios, demandam modernizar a sua gestão. Apresenta-se de que forma evolui a qualificação gerencial e administrativa nos municípios para situar que o desafio do federalismo cooperativo brasileiro possui para apoiar esses entes. A pesquisa foi organizada em três dimensões teóricas e analisou cinco casos. A primeira dimensão trata da cooperação por meio de arranjos de cooperação territorial, tendo o Comitê de Articulação Federativa (CAF), criado em 2003, como objeto de análise, pois reuniu representantes do governo federal e do municipalismo. Uma de suas áreas de ação foi o desenvolvimento de capacidades estatais municipais. A segunda dimensão aborda a cooperação federativa por meio de sistemas de políticas públicas. Comparou-se o Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), criado em 2005, como a área da educação, que é desprovida desse tipo de arranjo intergovernamental sistêmico. Na educação a análise recai sobre o Plano de Ações Articuladas (PAR), que foi instituído em 2007. O SUAS possui uma ampla legislação e normatização voltada para os entes municipais nas quais se destacam exigências de modernização dos órgãos que localmente respondem por essa política. O objetivo é comparar se sistemas de políticas são mais eficazes para promover capacidades estatais que outras modalidades de relações federativas. A terceira dimensão teórica diz respeito aos programas federais criados para apoiar a qualificação das gestões municipais. Foram selecionados dois programas: o Programa de Modernização da Administração Tributária e da Gestão de Setores Sociais Básicos (PMAT), administrado pelo BNDES desde 1997, e o Programa Nacional de Apoio à Modernização Administrativa e Fiscal dos Municípios Brasileiros (PNAFM), gerenciado pelo Ministério da Fazenda e Caixa Econômica Federal desde 2001. A análise das três dimensões mostra que, com base na experiência comparada em nível internacional e na literatura sobre federalismo e relações intergovernamentais que, diante da forma como se organizou a cooperação territorial e a implantação de programas federais no Brasil, essas duas modalidades não são rotas viáveis para apoiar a modernização das gestões municipais. A pesquisa concludes que um sistema nacional e articulado de políticas, tanto por razões teóricas como empíricas, é o tipo de institucionalidade de cooperação federativa mais adequado para promover capacidades estatais municipais em realidades como a brasileira. Nessa linha, finaliza-se a Tese propondo um modelo analítico que considera sistemas articulados de políticas como o formato mais adequado para lidar com esse desafio federativo em um contexto caracterizado pela descentralização de políticas, mas que ao mesmo tempo convive com uma enorme heterogeneidade e desigualdade de capacidades estatais entre os governos locais.