The Emergence of the Post-Socialist Welfare State - The Case of the Baltic States : Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania

This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people’s mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents’ responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients’ opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives ‘western’ theoretical knowledge through ‘eastern’ empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

La filosofia di Hans-Georg Gadamer e il problema del disagio della modernità. Ermeneutica, estetica, etica e politica

L’ermeneutica filosofica di Hans-Georg Gadamer – indubbiamente uno dei capisaldi del pensiero novecentesco – rappresenta una filosofia molto composita, sfaccettata e articolata, per così dire formata da una molteplicità di dimensioni diverse che si intrecciano l’una con l’altra. Ciò risulta evidente già da un semplice sguardo alla composizione interna della sua opera principale, Wahrheit und Methode (1960), nella quale si presenta una teoria del comprendere che prende in esame tre differenti dimensioni dell’esperienza umana – arte, storia e linguaggio – ovviamente concepite come fondamentalmente correlate tra loro. Ma questo quadro d’insieme si complica notevolmente non appena si prendano in esame perlomeno alcuni dei numerosi contributi che Gadamer ha scritto e pubblicato prima e dopo il suo opus magnum: contributi che testimoniano l’importante presenza nel suo pensiero di altre tematiche. Di tale complessità, però, non sempre gli interpreti di Gadamer hanno tenuto pienamente conto, visto che una gran parte dei contributi esegetici sul suo pensiero risultano essenzialmente incentrati sul capolavoro del 1960 (ed in particolare sui problemi della legittimazione delle Geisteswissenschaften), dedicando invece minore attenzione agli altri percorsi che egli ha seguito e, in particolare, alla dimensione propriamente etica e politica della sua filosofia ermeneutica. Inoltre, mi sembra che non sempre si sia prestata la giusta attenzione alla fondamentale unitarietà – da non confondere con una presunta “sistematicità”, da Gadamer esplicitamente respinta – che a dispetto dell’indubbia molteplicità ed eterogeneità del pensiero gadameriano comunque vige al suo interno. La mia tesi, dunque, è che estetica e scienze umane, filosofia del linguaggio e filosofia morale, dialogo con i Greci e confronto critico col pensiero moderno, considerazioni su problematiche antropologiche e riflessioni sulla nostra attualità sociopolitica e tecnoscientifica, rappresentino le diverse dimensioni di un solo pensiero, le quali in qualche modo vengono a convergere verso un unico centro. Un centro “unificante” che, a mio avviso, va individuato in quello che potremmo chiamare il disagio della modernità. In altre parole, mi sembra cioè che tutta la riflessione filosofica di Gadamer, in fondo, scaturisca dalla presa d’atto di una situazione di crisi o disagio nella quale si troverebbero oggi il nostro mondo e la nostra civiltà. Una crisi che, data la sua profondità e complessità, si è per così dire “ramificata” in molteplici direzioni, andando ad investire svariati ambiti dell’esistenza umana. Ambiti che pertanto vengono analizzati e indagati da Gadamer con occhio critico, cercando di far emergere i principali nodi problematici e, alla luce di ciò, di avanzare proposte alternative, rimedi, “correttivi” e possibili soluzioni. A partire da una tale comprensione di fondo, la mia ricerca si articola allora in tre grandi sezioni dedicate rispettivamente alla pars destruens dell’ermeneutica gadameriana (prima e seconda sezione) ed alla sua pars costruens (terza sezione). Nella prima sezione – intitolata Una fenomenologia della modernità: i molteplici sintomi della crisi – dopo aver evidenziato come buona parte della filosofia del Novecento sia stata dominata dall’idea di una crisi in cui verserebbe attualmente la civiltà occidentale, e come anche l’ermeneutica di Gadamer possa essere fatta rientrare in questo discorso filosofico di fondo, cerco di illustrare uno per volta quelli che, agli occhi del filosofo di Verità e metodo, rappresentano i principali sintomi della crisi attuale. Tali sintomi includono: le patologie socioeconomiche del nostro mondo “amministrato” e burocratizzato; l’indiscriminata espansione planetaria dello stile di vita occidentale a danno di altre culture; la crisi dei valori e delle certezze, con la concomitante diffusione di relativismo, scetticismo e nichilismo; la crescente incapacità a relazionarsi in maniera adeguata e significativa all’arte, alla poesia e alla cultura, sempre più degradate a mero entertainment; infine, le problematiche legate alla diffusione di armi di distruzione di massa, alla concreta possibilità di una catastrofe ecologica ed alle inquietanti prospettive dischiuse da alcune recenti scoperte scientifiche (soprattutto nell’ambito della genetica). Una volta delineato il profilo generale che Gadamer fornisce della nostra epoca, nella seconda sezione – intitolata Una diagnosi del disagio della modernità: il dilagare della razionalità strumentale tecnico-scientifica – cerco di mostrare come alla base di tutti questi fenomeni egli scorga fondamentalmente un’unica radice, coincidente peraltro a suo giudizio con l’origine stessa della modernità. Ossia, la nascita della scienza moderna ed il suo intrinseco legame con la tecnica e con una specifica forma di razionalità che Gadamer – facendo evidentemente riferimento a categorie interpretative elaborate da Max Weber, Martin Heidegger e dalla Scuola di Francoforte – definisce anche «razionalità strumentale» o «pensiero calcolante». A partire da una tale visione di fondo, cerco quindi di fornire un’analisi della concezione gadameriana della tecnoscienza, evidenziando al contempo alcuni aspetti, e cioè: primo, come l’ermeneutica filosofica di Gadamer non vada interpretata come una filosofia unilateralmente antiscientifica, bensì piuttosto come una filosofia antiscientista (il che naturalmente è qualcosa di ben diverso); secondo, come la sua ricostruzione della crisi della modernità non sfoci mai in una critica “totalizzante” della ragione, né in una filosofia della storia pessimistico-negativa incentrata sull’idea di un corso ineluttabile degli eventi guidato da una razionalità “irrazionale” e contaminata dalla brama di potere e di dominio; terzo, infine, come la filosofia di Gadamer – a dispetto delle inveterate interpretazioni che sono solite scorgervi un pensiero tradizionalista, autoritario e radicalmente anti-illuminista – non intenda affatto respingere l’illuminismo scientifico moderno tout court, né rinnegarne le più importanti conquiste, ma più semplicemente “correggerne” alcune tendenze e recuperare una nozione più ampia e comprensiva di ragione, in grado di render conto anche di quegli aspetti dell’esperienza umana che, agli occhi di una razionalità “limitata” come quella scientista, non possono che apparire come meri residui di irrazionalità. Dopo aver così esaminato nelle prime due sezioni quella che possiamo definire la pars destruens della filosofia di Gadamer, nella terza ed ultima sezione – intitolata Una terapia per la crisi della modernità: la riscoperta dell’esperienza e del sapere pratico – passo quindi ad esaminare la sua pars costruens, consistente a mio giudizio in un recupero critico di quello che egli chiama «un altro tipo di sapere». Ossia, in un tentativo di riabilitazione di tutte quelle forme pre- ed extra-scientifiche di sapere e di esperienza che Gadamer considera costitutive della «dimensione ermeneutica» dell’esistenza umana. La mia analisi della concezione gadameriana del Verstehen e dell’Erfahrung – in quanto forme di un «sapere pratico (praktisches Wissen)» differente in linea di principio da quello teorico e tecnico – conduce quindi ad un’interpretazione complessiva dell’ermeneutica filosofica come vera e propria filosofia pratica. Cioè, come uno sforzo di chiarificazione filosofica di quel sapere prescientifico, intersoggettivo e “di senso comune” effettivamente vigente nella sfera della nostra Lebenswelt e della nostra esistenza pratica. Ciò, infine, conduce anche inevitabilmente ad un’accentuazione dei risvolti etico-politici dell’ermeneutica di Gadamer. In particolare, cerco di esaminare la concezione gadameriana dell’etica – tenendo conto dei suoi rapporti con le dottrine morali di Platone, Aristotele, Kant e Hegel – e di delineare alla fine un profilo della sua ermeneutica filosofica come filosofia del dialogo, della solidarietà e della libertà.

Il Pluralismo tra Democrazia ed Autoritarismo: Il Caso Russo

The research explores the mechanisms in the formation and consolidation of a new regime which combines democratic and authoritarian features; it has emerged as result of democratization processes affecting different world areas in recent years. The study analyses a case of great international significance, post-communist Russia: here internal factors strongly prevail in front of the external variables of democratic imitation and contagion, thus showing to what extent Russia differs from other political contexts. The study intends to examine the strategies used by this regime to solve internal conflicts and become stable in spite of the democratizing pressures coming from outside. Indeed, the literature about political transformations has shown the problems in analyzing these polities together with the need to examine their peculiarities more in depth. In this perspective, the first section focuses on the dynamics of State-building in Russia as a fundamental process in tracing the specific characteristics of the current regime: particularly, it is suggested that the State dimension comes out as crucial in determining the level of political and social pluralism accepted in post-Soviet Russia. This argument is worked out in the second section, which analyses the main mechanisms used by the incumbents to limit and control pluralism within the two arenas of political competition and civil society, from where the major threats to the status quo are supposed to come. The main hypothesis is that the leadership interventions in these spheres during the last ten years have shaped a regime which can be characterized as a new type of authoritarianism: with respect to traditional authoritarian forms a certain degree of political contestation is accepted, visible in the presence of a multiparty system, semi-competitive elections and of the several representatives of civil society. Yet, this diversity is curbed basically in two different ways: from one hand the incumbents provide support to political and social actors who sponsor government politics (see the party of power and pro-Kremlin movements). From the other they use some non coercive forms of control and restriction (in legislation, in political elections) against those actors who promote values and priorities opposed to the official ones.

Einstellungen zur Demokratie in Kambodscha : Niveau und Determinanten der Demokratieunterstützung

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, wie stark die Unterstützung eines demokratischen politischen Systems in der kambodschanischen Bevölkerung ist und welche Faktoren auf der Mikroebene die Demokratieunterstützung in Kambodscha beeinflussen. Hierfür werden das Unterstützungsmodell von Dieter Fuchs und die Modernisierungstheorie von Seymour Lipset für die Analyse von Einstellungen in einem autoritären politischen System modifiziert und entsprechend angepasste Hypothesen [zum Einfluss der Modernisierungsfaktoren auf die Demokratieunterstützung] formuliert. Nachdem die im Datensatz vorhandenen Einzelindikatoren zu Faktoren verdichtet und Probleme des Demokratieverständnisses und der Item-Nonresponse diskutiert wurden, werden Daten der zweiten Welle der Asian Barometer Survey 2008 analysiert. Die empirischen Ergebnisse zeigen zwar, dass eine substantielle Minderheit das autoritäre Regime des Landes und seine Entscheidungsträger kritisch betrachtet, die Bindung an liberal-demokratische Werte aber eher schwach ausgeprägt ist. Bi- und multivariate Analysen deuten auf einen Einfluss von Faktoren wie Bildung, Einkommen und Wohnort hin und bestätigen somit weitgehend die Modernisierungstheorie, allerdings mit einer bedeutsamen Abweichung: Größere Zufriedenheit mit der eigenen wirtschaftlichen Lage führt zwar zu einer stärkeren Bindung an demokratische Werte, gleichzeitig aber auch zu einer größeren Unterstützung des autoritären Regimes und seiner Entscheidungsträger.

Autoritäre Regime, Parlamente und die Wahrung von Menschenrechten : eine empirische Untersuchung

Der bei weitem überwiegende Teil der autoritären Regime weltweit verfügt mittlerweile über formal-demokratische Institutionen, wie Parlamente und Wahlen. Die Einführung solcher Institutionen soll unter anderem eine Entwicklung in Richtung Demokratie andeuten oder vortäuschen und so den internationalen und innenpolitischen Druck auf die jeweilige Regierung vermindern. Diese Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, ob von diesen formal-demokratischen Institutionen eine Wirkung auf das Regierungshandeln ausgeht und die Menschenrechtslage im Land durch sie verbessert wird. Zunächst werden autoritäre Regime unter Verwendung des minimalistischen Ansatzes von Cheibub et al. definiert. Anschließend werden aus den bisherigen Erkenntnissen der Forschung zur Rolle von formal-demokratischen Institutionen in autoritären Regimen Hypothesen zum Zusammenhang zwischen diesen Institutionen und repressivem Regierungsverhalten abgeleitet, die mit Hilfe einer empirische Analyse von Zeitreihen-Querschnittsdaten aus sämtlichen autoritären Regime zwischen 1979 und 2004 getestet werden. Die Ergebnisse zeigen unter anderem, dass mit steigender Kompetitivität der Parlamentswahlen die Wahrscheinlichkeit drastischster Menschenrechtsverletzungen sinkt. Zudem finden sich Anzeichen dafür, dass es zu weniger Menschenrechtsverletzungen kommt, je geringer die Zersplitterung der Oppositionsparteien ist, während mit einer Zunahme der formalen Kompetenzen der Parlamente das Repressionsniveau steigt.

The stigma of mental illness in Southern Ghana: attitudes of the urban population and patients' views

PURPOSE: Stigma is a frequent accompaniment of mental illness leading to a number of detrimental consequences. Most research into the stigma connected to mental illness was conducted in the developed world. So far, few data exist on countries in sub-Saharan Africa and no data have been published on population attitudes towards mental illness in Ghana. Even less is known about the stigma actually perceived by the mentally ill persons themselves. METHOD: A convenience sample of 403 participants (210 men, mean age 32.4 ± 12.3 years) from urban regions in Accra, Cape Coast and Pantang filled in the Community Attitudes towards the Mentally Ill (CAMI) questionnaire. In addition, 105 patients (75 men, mean age 35.9 ± 11.0 years) of Ghana's three psychiatric hospitals (Accra Psychiatry Hospital, Ankaful Hospital, Pantang Hospital) answered the Perceived Stigma and Discrimination Scale. RESULTS: High levels of stigma prevailed in the population as shown by high proportions of assent to items expressing authoritarian and socially restrictive views, coexisting with agreement with more benevolent attitudes. A higher level of education was associated with more positive attitudes on all subscales (Authoritarianism, Social Restrictiveness, Benevolence and Acceptance of Community Based Mental Health Services). The patients reported a high degree of experienced stigma with secrecy concerning the illness as a widespread coping strategy. Perceived stigma was not associated with sex or age. DISCUSSION: The extent of stigmatising attitudes within the urban population of Southern Ghana is in line with the scant research in other countries in sub-Saharan Africa and mirrored by the experienced stigma reported by the patients. These results have to be seen in the context of the extreme scarcity of resources within the Ghanaian psychiatric system. Anti-stigma efforts should include interventions for mentally ill persons themselves and not exclusively focus on public attitudes.

THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PARENTING STYLES, LEARNING AUTONOMY, AND SCHOLASTIC ACHIEVEMENT IN UNDERGRADUATE COLLEGE STUDENTS

Throughout the years, the role that parents play with regard to a child’s academic achievement has been the source of considerable research. The type of parenting style employed by parents, whether it is authoritarian, authoritative, or permissive, has and continues to be a major theme in these studies. One area of particular interest that has been overlooked in these studies, however, is the influence that parents may have on a student’s learning autonomy. Learning autonomy is the idea that a student has internal motivation to learn or achieve. The purpose of this study was to investigate therelationship among the three styles of parenting, learning autonomy, perceived parental autonomy support, and scholastic achievement in undergraduate college students. Sixty-one participants were recruited at a small liberal arts college in the northeastern United States to complete questionnaires, which measured perceived parental authority of the participants’ parents, perceived parental autonomy support, and students’ own learning autonomy. The participants were also asked to list their grade point average. The results revealed positive and negative correlations between many of the variables in the study;however, simple regression analyses did not yield any statistically significant relationships between parental authority, learning autonomy, perceived autonomy support, and scholastic achievement.

Current Changes in the Lifestyle and Mental Health of Teenagers

The group studied 1,253 students from various types of schools chosen randomly from those in Prague and Budejovice in order to evaluate the life styles, prevailing value standards, attitudes and behavioural patterns of Czech adolescents. The respondents (including 614 men and 639 women with an average age of 16.4 years) completed questionnaires containing standard scales focusing on feelings about social life, conservative and authoritarian tendencies, levels of self-esteem, general health, eating attitudes and behaviour The adolescents showed a relatively high level of conformity with authoritarian, conservative tendencies and with a dictate of power, rigid conventionality, ethnocentrism and low inner tolerance of differences, their scores being higher than those found in Western European countries. These tendencies were stronger among students outside Prague and those attending vocational schools. As the level of education rose, the sense of fatality and social determination decreased, indicating a higher share of responsibility for events in the surrounding world. When changes of life style were considered, adolescents can be expected to adapt more easily to more risky, socially attractive and manifest models of attitudes and behaviour. On the one hand, adolescents were often involved in sports, and young women in particular often showed a extreme concern and care for their own bodies. On the other hand, one quarter of respondents smoked, one fifth reported serious problems with alcohol and one quarter had already had some experience with drugs. One third of young men and one quarter of young women reported regular consumption of alcohol, and 6.5 percent of men and 3.6 percent of women regularly smoked marihuana or hashish. For the majority of adolescents, life conditions and conformity seem to be more important than the sense of active choice and responsibility for one's own life.

Development of Socio-Economic Behaviour and Attitudes of Baltic Nationalities: Perspectives for Integration with Europe

This project is the third stage of a comparative research project, The New Baltic Barometer, which was carried out simultaneously with the "New Democracies Barometer" of the Paul Lazerfeld Society (Vienna) and The Russian Barometer. It studied the opinion and behaviour of the largest Baltic ethnic groups (Estonians, Latvians, Lithuanians). The main focus was on the attitudes of Baltic residents towards the changes in the economic and political system, attitudes towards political values, political trust, and attitudes to the Baltic countries joining the European Union. An analysis of macroeconomic indicators of the Baltic states made it possible to deduce the link between the country's economic development, and satisfaction with the political regime and attitudes towards democratic values. The study analysed the conditions for the democratisation of society, i.e. the development of culture and public opinion in the Baltic states. Attention was also paid to the development of a social network of individuals, showing the transition from informal networks to impersonal institutions. The group concluded that the participation of residents in formal organisations, NGOs in particular, considerably fosters political trust and also increases political efficacy. Participation in formal organisations also reduces the importance of esteem for an authoritarian leader.

The Role of the Family in Shaping Self-Concept and Cognitive Styles in Hungary

The project studied the perception of parenting styles and their relation to self-development, cognitive styles, and individualisation in adolescence. Typical parenting styles of mothers and fathers were studied in five different maternal and paternal parenting backgrounds: warm authoritarian, warm democratic, cold neglectful, cold authoritarian, and neutral. Perception of different styles of parenting (for fathers: authority, 'maintaining distance' behaviour, reciprocity, enhancing self-reliance; for mothers: authority, unpredictable behaviour, mutual trust, achievement orientation, and enhancing self-reliance) were analysed in each group using the newly developed Hungarian Parenting Questionnaire (Sallay & Munnich, 1999). This questionnaire has a theoretical basis in the ideas of Harvey (1966, 1967), where the socialisation process is combined with self-development. This categorisation of paternal and maternal parenting backgrounds enabled Sallay to explore and describe in detail how diverse parenting styles contribute to self-development, the development of cognitive complexity, and individualisation. The results show that diverse parenting by mothers and fathers produces differing impacts in nuclear and divorced families and for males and females, taking into consideration such self-components as physical, active, psychological (capabilities, personality, emotions, roles, preferences), social and reflective selves. Cognitive self-complexity varied according to parenting styles and genders: maternal and paternal parenting proved to have the most significant impact on self-complexity in a warm, democratic family. With respect to individualistic tendencies, adolescent boys were most individualistic in a cold, neglectful paternal background in nuclear families as compared to other paternal and maternal family backgrounds and to females.

Structural Problems in the Development of Social Work in Central Europe under Transformation. The Case of Poland

Socio-economic transformation the countries of Central Europe are undergoing since 1989 has brought new developments in social welfare systems of this region. Social work, which was in the countries of the region during its communist past either non-existent or superficial activity, has become treated as an instrument of social welfare systems there. The collapse of authoritarian regimes in the region clearly inducted political leaderships there to opt for transition to Western style civil society. Hence an adoption of social work seemed to be natural choice for the countries in the region.

Marginal lands or marginal people? Analysing key processes determining the outcomes of large-scale land acquisitions in Lao PDR and Cambodia

This chapter aims to overcome the gap existing between case study research, which typically provides qualitative and process-based insights, and national or global inventories that typically offer spatially explicit and quantitative analysis of broader patterns, and thus to present adequate evidence for policymaking regarding large-scale land acquisitions. Therefore, the chapter links spatial patterns of land acquisitions to underlying implementation processes of land allocation. Methodologically linking the described patterns and processes proved difficult, but we have identified indicators that could be added to inventories and monitoring systems to make linkage possible. Combining complementary approaches in this way may help to determine where policy space exists for more sustainable governance of land acquisitions, both geographically and with regard to processes of agrarian transitions. Our spatial analysis revealed two general patterns: (i) relatively large forestry-related acquisitions that target forested landscapes and often interfere with semi-subsistence farming systems; and (ii) smaller agriculture-related acquisitions that often target existing cropland and also interfere with semi-subsistence systems. Furthermore, our meta-analysis of land acquisition implementation processes shows that authoritarian, top-down processes dominate. Initially, the demands of powerful regional and domestic investors tend to override socio-ecological variables, local actors’ interests, and land governance mechanisms. As available land grows scarce, however, and local actors gain experience dealing with land acquisitions, it appears that land investments begin to fail or give way to more inclusive, bottom-up investment models.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 651 - "Vorwort zu Alfred Schmidt: Der Begriff der Natur in der Lehre von Marx"; "Vorlesungen über Autorität und Gesellschaft"; "Über Logik"; "Vorlesungsankündigungen" (p. IX 32.1-3-IX 35)

Vorwort von Horkheimer, Max und Ardorno, Theodor W. zu: Schmidt, Alfred: Der Begriff der Natur in der Lehre Marx. Frankfurt am Main 1962, Frankfurter Beiträge zur Soziologie Band 11. Mehrere Typoskripte und zwei Entwürfe, Typoskrip c mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen von Theodor W. Adorno, 2 Blatt; zweiter Entwurf mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen von Friedrich Pollock, 1 Blatt; Schmidt, Alfred: Gutachten über die Inauguraldissertation 'Die Rolle der Natur in der Marxschen Konzeption der Gesselschaft'. Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 4 Blatt; Typoskript, 7 Blatt; Pollock, Friedrich: Eigenhändige Notize und Korrekturvorschläge zur Dissertation von Alfred Schmidt, 24 Blatt; Vorlesungen über Autorität und Gesellschaft [Columbia University New York]; 1936-37 "Authority and Status in Modern Society"; 1937-38 "Authoritarian Thought and Institutions in Europe"; 1938-39 "Authoritarian Doctrines and modern European Institutions"; Einleitende Vorlesung über Autorität und Gesellschaft, 1936/37 (Max Horkheimer). Drei englsiche Fassungen, eine deutsche Fassung (GS 12, S.39-68); Zweite Vorlesung über Autorität und Gesellschaft (Max Horkheimer). Englische Fassung, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 27 Blatt; deutsche Fassung, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 20 Blatt (GS 12, S.39-68); "History" (Herbert Marcuse). Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 7 Blatt; "Empirical Research" (Paul Lazarfeld). Typoskript, 7 Blatt; "Economica" (Friedrich Pollock). Typoskript, 9 Blatt; "Authoritarian State" (Franz Neumann). Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 18 Blatt; Teilstück, Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 1 Blatt; "Education" (Leo Löwenthal ?). Typoskript, 6 Blatt; Einleitung in den psychologischen Teil (Fromm). Englische Fassung, Typoskript, 5 Blatt; Abschlußvorlesung: Zusammenfassung (Max Horkheimer). Englische Fassung, Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 9 Blatt; deutsche Fassung, Typoskript, 5 Blatt (GS 12, S. 39-68); Teilstücke (Entwürfe ?) zu den Vorlesungen. Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 5 Blatt; Eigenhändige Notizen zu den Vorlesungen, 6 Blatt; Literaturlisten. Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 3 Blatt; Vorlesungsankündigungen. Als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 4 Blatt; Typoskript, 2 Blatt; Ohne Namen: "Errors in Professor Horkheimers Lecture". Stichworte zu sprachlichen Fehlern Max Horkheimers, 4 Blatt; "Über Logik": Vorlesung von Max Horkheimer, 1939. Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Ergänzungen von Herbert Marcuse, 17 Blatt; Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 10 Blatt (GS 12, S. 69-74); Vorlesungsankündigungen der Institutsmitglieder (1941 ?); Horkheimer, Max: "The Social Psychology of Mass Movements"; Horkheimer, Max: "Modern Utopias and their Social Background"; Adorno, Theodor W.: "Sociology of Art"; Adorno, Theodor W.: "Sociology of Popular Music"; Marcuse, Herbert: "Social and Intelectual Foundations of Modern European Democracy"; Marcuse, Herbert: "The Development of Social Thought in der Modern Era"; Neumann, Franz: "History of Modern Political Thought"; Neumann, Franz: "Sociology of Legal Institutions"; Löwenthal, Leo: "Sociology of Modern Popular Literature"; Löwenthal, Leo: "Social Trends in European Literature since the Renaissance"; Kirchheimer, Otto: "Sociology of Political Institutions"; Kirchheimer, Otto: "Development of Criminological Thought". Typoskript, 13 Blatt; Typoskript, 7 Blatt; Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 14 Blatt;

Houston police officer attitudes towards the mentally ill: CIT trained and non-CIT trained

The purpose of this study was to develop a better understanding of police officer attitudes towards the mentally ill and what impact that might have on their behavior. Focused on the effects of Crisis Intervention Team (CIT) training on Houston police officers, this research wanted to determine if CIT training decreases attitudes of authoritarianism and increases attitudes of self-efficacy in dealing with the mentally ill—other factors assessed were age, years of service, ethnicity, and gender. Results confirmed that CIT training had an effect on an officer's attitudes with CIT officers being less authoritarian and having more self-efficacy with respect to dealing with the mentally ill as compared to non-CIT officers. Because of these results, this study could offer support in tailoring training programs to have successful officer-mentally ill person interactions. ^

Parental influence on adolescent smoking initiation among Mexican origin youth

Smoking is often initiated in adolescence through trying or experimenting with cigarettes. Smoking initiation is the beginning critical stage in the smoking trajectory often resulting in addiction. This dissertation examined the effect of parenting variables on smoking initiation behavior among 11–14 year old Mexican origin adolescents, a largely understudied group. The participants in this study were part of a population-based cohort of Mexican origin adolescents residing in Houston, Texas. ^ Aim 1 of this study assessed the appropriateness of the Family Life Questionnaire (FLQ) among Mexican origin adolescents. Second order confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) was performed to examine the factor structure of the FLQ and measurement invariance testing was conducted to evaluate the cross-cultural validity of this scale. Aim 2 analyzed cross-sectional associations between parenting variables and adolescent ever tried smoking behavior while aim 3 focused on prospective examination of changes in parenting variables from baseline to final follow-up on ever tried smoking behavior among never smokers. ^ Overall, the results of the CFA indicated that the original factor structure of the FLQ, with alterations, was a good fit for the Mexican origin adolescents. The measurement invariance analysis of the modified FLQ scale indicated adequate measurement invariance. The aim 2 cross-sectional analyses indicated that family cohesion was significantly associated with lower odds of ever tried smoking. Authoritarian parenting was significantly associated with smoking initiation only at the baseline while family conflict was significantly associated with smoking initiation only at the two-year final home visit. The findings from the aim 3 prospective analysis indicated that changes in levels of family cohesion and conflict are important predictors of smoking initiation among those who have never tried smoking. Specifically, perceiving low levels of family cohesion and a decrease in the family cohesion over two years, as well as perceiving high levels of family conflict and an increase in conflict over two years was associated with smoking initiation among never smokers. ^ In general, the findings of this study provide important insights on the links between parenting and adolescent smoking and assist in designing prevention and intervention programs that emphasize the role of family bonding to prevent adolescent smoking behavior. Family education programs for Mexican culture could also highlight the positive effects of authoritarian practices and good family communication to prevent family conflict and subsequent smoking behavior.^