Osteoporosis medication dispensing for older Australian women from 2002 to 2010: Influences of publications, guidelines, marketing activities and policy

Purpose Developments in anti-osteoporosis medications (AOMs) have led to changes in guidelines and policy, which, along with media and marketing strategies, have had an impact upon the prescribing of AOM. The aim was to examine patterns of AOM dispensing in older women (aged 76–81 years at baseline) from 2002 to 2010. Methods Administrative claims data were used to describe AOM dispensing in 4649 participants (born in 1921–1926 and still alive in 2011) in the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health. The patterns were interpreted in the context of changes in guidelines, indications for subsidy, publications (scholarly and general media), and marketing activities. Results Total use of AOM increased from 134 DDD/1000/day in 2002 to 216 DDD/1000/day in 2007 but then decreased to 184 DDD/1000/day in 2010. Alendronate was the most commonly dispensed AOM but decreased from 2007, while use of risedronate (2002 onward), strontium ranelate (2007 onward) and zoledronic acid (2008 onward) increased. Etidronate and hormone replacement therapy (HRT) prescriptions gradually decreased over time. The decline in alendronate dispensing coincided with increases of other bisphosphonates and publicity about potential adverse effects of bisphosphonates, despite relaxing indications for bone density testing and subsidy for AOM. Conclusions Overall dispense of AOM from 2002 reached a peak in 2007 and thereafter declined despite increases in therapeutic options and improved subsidised access. The recent decline in overall AOM dispensing seems to be explained largely by negative publicity rather than specific changes in guidelines and policy.

Swedish advertising language in Finland mirrored by the newspaper advertisements of the Stockmanns department store during the 20th century

The advertising business is often said to favour a modern, innovative language use. This is a statement not easily verified. Newspaper ads are in fact the genre of written language that linguists have paid the least attention to. People writing texts for newspaper ads are individuals representing contemporary language use. Advertisements representing different periods therefore diverge not only regarding the change of style and form advertising undergoes over time, but changes in the language itself also reflect the continuous process of alteration in a speech community. Advertisements and marketing material on the whole, are also read by many individuals who otherwise are not accustomed to reading at all. The marketing manager, the copywriter and the Art Director, in other words, produce texts that unconsciously function as language models. Changes are not created by, or urged on by linguistic expertise, but by ordinary users confronting other ordinary users. From a sociolinguistic perspective the widely diffused advertising language is therefore a most influential factor.

Reklamsvenska i Finland speglad genom varuhuset Stockmanns tidningsannonser under det 20e seklet - Swedish Advertising Language in Finland Mirrored by the Newspaper Advertisements of the Stockmanns Department Store during the 20th Century

Reklam sägs använda ett modernt, gärna ett nyskapande språk. Detta är ett påstående som inte så lätt kan verifieras. Tidningsannonsen är troligen den skriftspråksgenre som har fått minst uppmärksamhet av språkforskare. De som skriver texten i en tidningsannons är personer som representerar det samtida språkbruket. Annonser som representerar olika tidsepoker skiljer sig därför från varandra inte bara genom att annonsen förändras i fråga om stil och form. Annonsens språk avspeglar också den språkliga förändringsprocess som kontinuerligt pågår i varje språksamhälle. Annonser, och marknadsföringsmaterial över huvud taget, läses också av många människor som i övrigt läser mycket litet eller kanske inte alls. Marknadsföraren, reklamskribenten (copywriter) och AD:n producerar m.a.o. texter som på ett omedvetet sätt kommer att vara språkmodeller för sina läsare. Förändringar i språket kreeras inte och drivs inte på av språkforskare, utan av vanliga språkbrukare i interaktion med andra språkbrukare. Sett ur ett sociolingvistiskt perspektiv har det vitt spridda reklamspråket därför inflytande på språket i samhället. Syftet med det reklamspråksprojekt som presenteras i föreliggande rapport är att analysera hur och när förändringar i svenskan som uppträder i Sverige dyker upp i annonser som skrivs på svenska i Finland. Reklam på svenska Finland under 1900-talet står i fokus, och tidningsannonser för Stockmanns varuhus i Helsingfors utgör primärmaterialet. Tidningsannonser för varuhuset Nordiska Kompaniet (NK) i Stockholm under motsvarande tid tjänar som jämförelsematerial. I denna rapport presenteras projektets syfte, de uppställda forskningsfrågorna, och resonemanget illustreras med exempel ur projektmaterialet. Rapporten innehåller också en beskrivning av projektets reklamdatabas och basfakta om material och metoder. -

The History of Oyster Farming in Australia

Aboriginal Australians consumed oysters before settlement by Europeans as shown by the large number of kitchen middens along Australia's coast. Flat oysters, Ostrea angasi, were consumed in southeastern Australia, whereas both flat and Sydney rock oysters, Saccostrea glomerata, are found in kitchen middens in southern New South Wales (NSW), but only Sydney rock oysters are found in northern NSW and southern Queensland. Oyster fisheries began with the exploitation of dredge beds, for the use of oyster shell for lime production and oyster meat for consumption. These natural oyster beds were nealy all exhausted by the late 1800's, and they have not recovered. Oyster farming, one of the oldest aquaculture industries in Australia, began as the oyster fisheries declined in the late 1800's. Early attempts at farming flat oysters in Tasmania, Victoria, and South Australia, which started in the 1880's, were abandoned in the 1890's. However, a thriving Sydney rock oyster industry developed from primitive beginnings in NSW in the 1870's. Sydney rock oysters are farmed in NSW, southern Queensland, and at Albany, Western Australia (WA). Pacific oysters, Crassostrea gigas, are produced in Tasmania, South Australia, and Port Stephens, NSW. FLant oysters currently are farmed only in NSW, and there is also some small-scale harvesting of tropical species, the coarl rock or milky oyster, S. cucullata, and th black-lip oyster, Striostrea mytiloides, in northern Queensland. Despite intra- and interstate rivalries, oyster farmers are gradually realizing that they are all part of one industry, and this is reflected by the establishment of the national Australian Shellfish Quality Assuarance Program and the transfer of farming technology between states. Australia's oyster harvests have remained relatively stable since Sydney rock oyster production peaked in the mid 1970's at 13 million dozen. By the end of the 1990's this had stabilized at around 8 million dozen, and Pacific oyster production reached a total of 6.5 million dozen from Tasmania, South Australia, and Port Stephens, a total of 14.5 million dozen oysters for the whole country. This small increase in production during a time of substantial human population growth shows a smaller per capita consumption and a declining use of oysters as a "side-dish."

AUSTRALIA’S STRATEGIC CULTURE: An investigation of the concept of strategic culture and its application to the Australian case

The notion that each state in the international system approaches matters of war and peace somewhat differently because they each possess a unique strategic culture is not a new or obscure one – but it nevertheless remains controversial. While some scholars dismiss the utility or practicality of examining states’ cultures when seeking to explain or predict those states’ patterns of strategic decision-making, even amongst those who accept that we should pay attention to cultural differences between states when carrying out strategic analysis there remains a frustratingly eclectic range of offerings from scholars regarding how best to do so. In short, significant uncertainty remains regarding both whether strategic culture should be used as an analytical tool and, if it is so utilized, how one should go about doing so. This thesis therefore explores the concept of strategic culture in great detail, both theoretical and empirical. The opening three chapters examine why the more traditional rationalist/materialistic theories should not exclusively dominate strategic analysis, then the various existing strategic cultural offerings are considered and critiqued and, finally, a new conceptual model for strategic cultural analysis is proposed which draws from the hitherto largely neglected psychological and sociological literature. Both of these fields, it is submitted in Chapter 3, have spent more time and effort developing ways of understanding and analyzing culture than the field of IR has to date, and therefore the models and methods debated and developed in these fields should, it is argued, be ‘imported’ into IR to drive further strategic cultural research. The thesis then moves in the following six chapters to consider Australia’s strategic culture. The purpose of this part of the thesis is two-fold: first, it illustrates how the model offered in Chapter 3 works and, by implication, suggests how scholars may go about applying it to other cases. Second, and perhaps more importantly, the latter six chapters explore the twists and turns of Australia’s substantive strategic decision-making over the course of the last century or more, thereby explaining how Australia’s strategic history can be understood from a cultural perspective.

Genealogies of Partition: History, History-Writing and 'The Troubles' in Ireland

Contemporary political disputes have a long history of expression and contestation through the genre of history-writing in Ireland. The role of history writing and political science writing during the nearly 40 years of the so-called 'Troubles' has been no exception to this. Battles between competing versions of what the conflict 'is about', mediated through academic and popular texts have themselves in turn become constitutive of it. This builds upon centuries of the representation of the complicated politics of this island as 'an issue' in British domestic politics - first 'the Catholic question', then 'the Irish question'. The location of political power outside the island for centuries has created successive battles for the representation of sectional interests in a metropolitan centre. The skills of propaganda, history writing, newspaper writing have consequently been deployed at a remarkable level of skill and intensity. In the recent period one of the consequences of this has been the removal from the debate of the actuality of partition; this builds upon a particular historical representation of partition as an historical inevitability. To seek to restore partition to the debate is not to call for its undoing but to recognise that seeking to circumvent debates about its origins in the key period of democratisation in Irish politics (1880-1920) has been counter-productive. This essay examines the genealogies of partition in Irish and international contexts in the light of these battles for representation, and aims to return a lost dimension to the debate about the so-called 'Troubles'in Ireland. The genealogy of partition is the issue that has been marginalised in academic study and this has affected both policy and politics.

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper, December 18th, 1817

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper was a weekly paper in the town of Niagara-on-the-Lake that began publication December 4, 1817 and ceased in 1830. This bound volume has been divided by publication dates. Other dates included in the volume are: 25 December 1817 1818 January 1 1818 January 8 1818 January 15 1818 January 22 There is also a letter that was found inside the bound volume written by Andrew Heron on October 1 1817.

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper, December 25th, 1817

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper was a weekly paper in the town of Niagara-on-the-Lake that began publication December 4, 1817 and ceased in 1830. This bound volume has been divided by publication dates. Other dates included in the volume are: 1817 December 18 1818 January 1 1818 January 8 1818 January 15 1818 January 22 There is also a letter that was found inside the bound volume written by Andrew Heron on October 1 1817.

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper, January 1st, 1818

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper was a weekly paper in the town of Niagara-on-the-Lake that began publication December 4, 1817 and ceased in 1830. This bound volume has been divided by publication dates. Other dates included in the volume are: 1817 December 18 1817 December 25 1818 January 8 1818 January 15 1818 January 22 There is also a letter that was found inside the bound volume written by Andrew Heron on October 1 1817.

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper, January 8, 1818

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper was a weekly paper in the town of Niagara-on-the-Lake that began publication December 4, 1817 and ceased in 1830. This bound volume has been divided by publication dates. Other dates included in the volume are: 1817 December 18 1817 December 25 1818 January 1 1818 January 15 1818 January 22 There is also a letter that was found inside the bound volume written by Andrew Heron on October 1 1817.

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper, January 15, 1818

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper was a weekly paper in the town of Niagara-on-the-Lake that began publication December 4, 1817 and ceased in 1830. This bound volume has been divided by publication dates. Other dates included in the volume are: 1817 December 18 1817 December 25 1818 January 1 1818 January 8 1818 January 22 There is also a letter that was found inside the bound volume written by Andrew Heron on October 1 1817.

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper, January 22, 1818

The Gleaner and Niagara Newspaper was a weekly paper in the town of Niagara-on-the-Lake that began publication December 4, 1817 and ceased in 1830. This bound volume has been divided by publication dates. Other dates included in the volume are: 1817 December 18 1817 December 25 1818 January 1 1818 January 8 1818 January 15 There is also a letter that was found inside the bound volume written by Andrew Heron on October 1 1817.

Proposal for Construction of Brock’s Monument, Queenston, newspaper fragment, 1824

Brock’s Monument is owned by Parks Canada and maintained by the Niagara Parks Commission in collaboration with the Friends of Fort George and Niagara National Historic Sites. It is located in Queenston Heights Park atop the Niagara Escarpment. On March 14, 1815, Parliament passed an act to erect a monument to the memory of General Isaac Brock. A design by engineer Francis Hall was selected. He envisioned a 135 ft. tall Tuscan column, made out of stone with a winding staircase inside. By the spring of 1824, work had begun on the monument. In June of that year, the cornerstone was laid and William Lyon Mackenzie was in attendance at the ceremony. It was on October 13th, 1824 (the anniversary of Brock’s death) that 6000 people traveled to Queenston to inter the remains of Brock and Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell. This was the second burial for both. After 3 years the tower had reached 135 feet, but there was no inscription at the base, the fence around the observation deck had not been installed and there was no statue of Brock. Hall submitted a plan to finish the statue, but he was turned down and a simple ornament was placed where the Brock statue should have been. A massive blast of gunpowder destroyed the monument in 1840. It is alleged that an American sympathizer with the Upper Canada Rebellion set off the blast. Brock and Macdonell’s bodies were reburied in the Hamilton Family Cemetery in Queenston. The present monument was rebuilt in 1853. William Thomas (designer of St. Michael’s Cathedral in Toronto) was the architect. Brock and Macdonell were once again laid to rest in separate vaults at the statue. In 1968, Brock’s Monument was declared a national historical site. In 2005, it was closed to the public due to safety concerns, but it reopened in 2010. Source: http://www.thecanadianencyclopedia.com/articles/brocks-monument-queenston-heights

Clippings - Road Allowances, Lock 2 Bridge, Toronto Railway Company, St. Davids' History

Clipping regarding the original road allowance which was part of Mr. Woodruff’s property, n.d. Clipping regarding the Lock 2 Bridge. This is a letter to the editor of the Journal from Calvin Phelps of Lockport, Nov. 13, 1889. Clipping entitled “Settled beyond a Dispute”: a letter to the Editor of the Star from J. G. Currie regarding the road allowance in the 5th Concession of Grantham, Nov. 16, 1889. Clipping entitled “That Old Road Allowance” which is a rebuttal to Mr. Currie’s letter, [1889] 2 newspaper clippings regarding: “Reg. vs. Toronto Railway Company”. These 2 articles are glued to a piece of paper. Beneath the newspaper articles is the name M. Chambers, Nov. 18, 1898. Notes regarding the clippings are enclosed with the articles. These notes and written on the back of “Pattison, Collier and Shaw Barristers, Solicitors, Etc.” stationary (notes are 2 pages, handwritten), Nov. 18, 1898. Clipping entitled “History on the Site: St. Davids’ Students Learn Lessons where Events Occurred” (2 copies), n.d.