905 resultados para Argentine military dictatorship 1976-1983


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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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This article analyzes the case of the proceedings against Argentina’s Military Juntas that led to jail those responsible for heinous crimes committed during the military dictatorship. The said proceeding has a high symbolic value in the struggle for human rights in Latin America and is relevant and timely in Brazil where the right to the truth regarding the missing people during the military dictatorship is in debate, as well as the invalidation of the Amnesty Act regarding the common crimes of torture, rape and / or kidnapping, among others. In the case of Argentina, following Roxin’s doctrine of mediate authorship, the Court held that the crimes were committed by the military through the use of an organized power apparatus and emphatically dismissed allegations that such crimes were justified in the so-called “dirty war”. Thus, the case against the Military Juntas has become a paradigmatic one, not only in Argentina, where many military leaders had to respond to criminal actions, but for all countries in the region that faced similar situations in recent history.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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According to our conceptions, to study the so called Projeto Minerva (PMi) – an action of Brazilian Military Dictatorship, implemented in the 1970s, which intended to provide access to Primary and Secondary Schools for thousands of Brazilians throughout the country, using a cheap, and at that time a widely -spread medium, the radio – implies to study not only a unique education strategy, but a variety of circumstances that allows it to be created and developed throughout its 10 years of existence in various Brazilian locations. Each circumstance, each region, each way of doing of each person involved in its development constitutes a different Minerva – that’s why we choose the plural to treat it: the Minerva ProjectS. In this paper we present one of the many possible histories about such project. Synthetically, we present some historiographical aspects of its creation, development and extinction and, based on a study about one of its lessons (related to Analitic Geometry), we try to evidence differences between a spoken mathematics and a written mathematics. According to the the oretical framework used in this text, inspired by the Wittgenstein's language philosophy, the Project articulates various mathematics, what is different of saying that the project deals with the "usual" Mathematics merely changing the way of communicate it.

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Since photographic document always bears the marks of a given universe imagined, subject to fi ctionality inherent in all assemblies plot as an act, the purpose of this article is to analyze the photographs archival materials disclosed in remembrance of the Brazilian military dictatorship in the magazine Veja, published in the decennial anniversaries of the 1964 coup, from the methodological assumptions of the rhetoric of image. If, in some cases, archival photographs reinforced the argument of the report, in others, they created a parallel narrative, framing the present through an interpreted past.

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This work aims to characterize and analyze the development and modernization of the Brazilian agricultural sector in the period from 1960 to the end of the Lula government, through the military dictatorship, the plans to combat inflation in the 1980s and 1990s and the programs social Lula's government. The performance of commercial agriculture is emphasized in the FHC and Lula administrations

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Trata-se de um relato pessoal em que o autor rememora sua convivência com Lupe Cotrim, de quem foi aluno na então recém-fundada Escola de Comunicações, no conturbado período da ditadura militar.

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Under President Ronald Reagan, the White House pursued a complex foreign policy towards the Contras, rebels in trying to overthrow the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua, in Nicaragua. In 1979, the leftist Sandinista government seized power in Nicaragua. The loss of the previous pro-United States Somoza military dictatorship deeply troubled the conservatives, for whom eradication of communism internationally was a top foreign policy goal. Consequently, the Reagan Administration sought to redress the policy of his predecessor, Jimmy Carter, and assume a hard line stance against leftist regimes in Central America. Reagan and the conservatives within his administration, therefore, supported the Contra through military arms, humanitarian aid, and financial contributions. This intervention in Nicaragua, however, failed to garner popular support from American citizens and Democrats. Consequently, between 1982 and 1984 Congress prohibited further funding to the Contras in a series of legislation called the Boland Amendments. These Amendments barred any military aid from reaching the Contras, including through intelligence agencies. Shortly after their passage, Central Intelligence Agency Director William Casey and influential members of Reagan¿s National Security Council (NSC) including National Security Advisor Robert McFarlane, NSC Aide Oliver North, and Deputy National Security Advisor John Poindexter cooperated to identify and exploit loopholes in the legislation. By recognizing the NSC as a non-intelligence body, these masterminds orchestrated a scheme in which third parties, including foreign countries and private donors, contributed both financially and through arms donations to sustain the Contras independently of Congressional oversight. This thesis explores the mechanism and process of soliciting donations from private individuals, recognizing the forces and actors that created a situation for covert action to continue without detection. Oliver North, the main actor of the state, worked within his role as an NSC bureaucrat to network with influential politicians and private individuals to execute the orders of his superiors and shape foreign policy. Although Reagan articulated his desire for the Contras to remain a military presence in Nicaragua, he delegated the details of policy to his subordinates, which allowed this scheme to flourish. Second, this thesis explores the individual donors, analyzing their role as private citizens in sustaining and encouraging the policy of the Reagan Administration. The Contra movement found non-state support from followers of the New Right, demonstrated through financial and organizational assistance, that allowed the Reagan Administration¿s statistically unpopular policy in Nicaragua to continue. I interpret these donors as politically involved, but politically philanthropic, individuals, donating to their charity of choice to further the principles of American freedom internationally in a Cold War environment. The thesis then proceeds to assess the balance of power between the executive and other political actors in shaping policy, concluding that the executive cannot act alone in the formulation and implementation of foreign policy.

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En la presente investigación se muestra lo acontecido durante la última dictadura militar en la Argentina (1976 – 1983), en los ámbitos de la educación y de la cultura, ámbitos que sufrieron la censura y la represión mediante distintos mecanismos implementados por parte de quienes tomaron el poder. También se busca analizar, estudiar y elaborar un nuevo enfoque sobre la incidencia que tuvo ésta dictadura sobre la censura a los libros, sus mecanismos, como se instrumentó, y las consecuencias que tuvo desde la mirada y testimonios de quienes trabajaban y aún trabajan en bibliotecas en la provincia de Mendoza.

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Este trabajo coloca su foco de atención en la intervención de arquitectos, planificadores, urbanistas y ‘hacedores de ciudad’ en la creación de espacios de memoria sobre la última dictadura militar en la Argentina. A través del análisis de la creación del Parque de la Memoria en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires se mostrará cómo estos espacios se insertan en programas de reforma del espacio urbano que involucran desde dirigentes políticos en campaña electoral hasta la participación de expertos y especialistas en la gestión de la ciudad y cómo la intervención de este universo de agentes – y sus propias representaciones y lógicas de actuación – van a incidir en la manera en que estos espacios de memoria son concebidos, gestados e implementados. Mostraré cómo, dentro de este mundo de relaciones, la memoria y el olvido se vuelven categorías significativas en el marco de sus propias disputas por definir qué es la ciudad, quiénes pertenecen a ella y quiénes son los actores legítimos para intervenir en su definición. A través de esta intervención urbana - la creación del Parque de la Memoria - un área marginal de la ciudad ha sido convertida en un espacio sagrado para conmemorar a las víctimas del Terrorismo de Estado y en un paseo público donde los vecinos de la ciudad realizan diversas actividades recreativas.