Divided care and the Third Way:user involvement in statutory and voluntary sector cancer services

In health care, as in much of the public sphere, the voluntary sector is playing an increasingly large role in the funding, provision and delivery of services and nowhere is this more apparent than in cancer care. Simultaneously the growth of privatisation, marketisation and consumerism has engendered a rise in the promotion of 'user involvement' in health care. These changes in the organisation and delivery of health care, in part inspired by the 'Third Way' and the promotion of public and citizen participation, are particularly apparent in the British National Health Service. This paper presents initial findings from a three-year study of user involvement in cancer services. Using both case study and survey data, we explore the variation in the definition, aims, usefulness and mechanisms for involving users in the evaluation and development of cancer services across three Health Authorities in South West England. The findings have important implications for understanding shifts in power, autonomy and responsibility between patients, carers, clinicians and health service managers. The absence of any common definition of user involvement or its purpose underlines the limited trust between the different actors in the system and highlights the potentially negative impact of a Third Way health service.

The governance of online expression in a networked world:free-speech, surveillance and censorship

In recent years, we have witnessed the mushrooming of pro- democracy and protest movements not only in the Arab world, but also within Europe and the Americas. Such movements have ranged from popular upheavals, like in Tunisia and Egypt, to the organization of large- scale demonstrations against unpopular policies, as in Spain, Greece and Poland. What connects these different events are not only their democratic aspirations, but also their innovative forms of communication and organization through online means, which are sometimes considered to be outside of the State’s control. At the same time, however, it has become more and more apparent that countries are attempting to increase their understanding of, and control over, their citizens’ actions in the digital sphere. This involves striving to develop surveillance instruments, control mechanisms and processes engineered to dominate the digital public sphere, which necessitates the assistance and support of private actors such as Internet intermediaries. Examples include the growing use of Internet surveillance technology with which online data traffic is analysed, and the extensive monitoring of social networks. Despite increased media attention, academic debate on the ambivalence of these technologies, mechanisms and techniques remains relatively limited, as is discussion of the involvement of corporate actors. The purpose of this edited volume is to reflect on how Internet-related technologies, mechanisms and techniques may be used as a means to enable expression, but also to restrict speech, manipulate public debate and govern global populaces.

An empirical examination of emotional and cognitive responses to threat appeals

Advertising and other forms of communications are often used by government bodies, non-government organisations, and other institutions to try to influence the population to either a) reduce some form of harmful behaviour (e.g. smoking, drunk- driving) or b) increase some more healthy behaviour (e.g. eating healthily). It is common for these messages to be predicated on the chances of some negative event occurring if the individual does not either a) stop the harmful behaviour, or b) start / increase the healthy behaviour. This design of communication is referred to by many names in the relevant literature, but for the purposes of this thesis, will be termed a ‘threat appeal’. Despite their widespread use in the public sphere, and concerted academic interest since the 1950s, the effectiveness of threat appeals in delivering their objective remains unclear in many ways. In a detailed, chronological and thematic examination of the literature, two assumptions are uncovered that have either been upheld despite little evidence to support them, or received limited attention at all, in the literature. Specifically, a) that threat appeal characteristics can be conflated with their intended responses, and b) that a threat appeal always and necessarily evokes a fear response in the subject. A detailed examination of these assumptions underpins this thesis. The intention is to take as a point of departure the equivocality of empirical results, and deliver a novel approach with the objective of reducing the confusion that is evident in existing work. More specifically, the present thesis frames cognitive and emotional responses to threat appeals as part of a decision about future behaviour. To further develop theory, a conceptual framework is presented that outlines the role of anticipated and anticipatory emotions, alongside subjective probabilities, elaboration and immediate visceral emotions, resultant from manipulation of the intrinsic message characteristics of a threat appeal (namely, message direction, message frame and graphic image). In doing so, the spectrum of relevant literature is surveyed, and used to develop a theoretical model which serves to integrate key strands of theory into a coherent model. In particular, the emotional and cognitive responses to the threat appeal manipulations are hypothesised to influence behaviour intentions and expectations pertaining to future behaviour. Using data from a randomised experiment with a sample of 681 participants, the conceptual model was tested using analysis of covariance. The results for the conceptual framework were encouraging overall, and also with regard to the individual hypotheses. In particular, empirical results showed clearly that emotional responses to the intrinsic message characteristics are not restricted to fear, and that different responses to threat appeals were clearly attributed to specific intrinsic message characteristics. In addition, the inclusion of anticipated emotions alongside cognitive appraisals in the framework generated interesting results. Specifically, immediate emotions did not influence key response variables related to future behaviour, in support of questioning the assumption of the prominent role of fear in the response process that is so prevalent in existing literature. The findings, theoretical and practical implications, limitations and directions for future research are discussed.

The Impact of the Internet in Six Latin American Countries

Access to the Internet has grown exponentially in Latin America over the past decade. The International Telecommunications Union (ITU) estimates that in 2009 there were 144.5 million Internet users in South America, 6.4 million in Central America, and 8.2 million in the Caribbean, or a total 159.2 million users in all of Latin America.1 At that time, ITU reported an estimated 31 million Internet users in Mexico, which would bring the overall number of users in Latin America to 190.2 million people. More recent estimates published by Internet World Stats place Internet access currently at an estimated 204.6 million out of a total population of 592.5 million in the region (this figure includes Mexico).2 According to those figures, 34.5 per cent of the Latin American population now enjoys Internet access. In recent years, universal access policies contributed to the vast increase in digital literacy and Internet use in Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Costa Rica. Whereas the latter was the first country in the region to adopt a policy of universal access, the most expansive and successful digital inclusion programs in the region have taken hold in Brazil and Chile. These two countries have allocated considerable resources to the promotion of digital literacy and Internet access among low income and poor populations; in both cases, civil society groups significantly assisted in the promotion of inclusion at the grassroots level. Digital literacy and Internet access have come to represent, particularly in the area of education, a welcome complementary resource for populations chronically underserved in nations with a long-standing record of inadequate public social services. Digital inclusion is vastly expanding throughout the region, thanks to stabilizing economies, increasingly affordable technology, and the rapid growth in the supply of cellular mobile telephony. A recent study by the global advertising agency Razorfish revealed significant shifts in the demographics of digital inclusion in the major economies of South America, where Web access is rapidly increasing amid the lower middle class and the working poor.3 Several researchers have suggested that Internet access will bring about greater civic participation and engagement, although skeptics remain unsure this could happen in Latin America. Yet, there have been some recent instances of political mobilization facilitated through the use of the Web and social media applications, starting in Chile when “smart mobs” nationwide demonstrated against former Chilean President Michelle Bachelet when she failed to enact education reforms in May 2006. The Internet has also been used by marginalized groups and by guerrillas groups to highlight their stories. In sum, Internet access in Latin is no longer a medium restricted to the elite. It is rather a public sphere upon which civil society has staked its claim. Some of the examples noted in this study point toward a developing trend whereby civil society, through online grassroots movements, is able to effectively pressure public officials, instill transparency and demand accountability in government. Access to the Internet has also made it possible for voices on the margins to participate in the conversation in a way that was never previously feasible. 1 International Telecommunications Union [ITU], “Information Technology Public & Report,” accessed May 15, 2011, http://www.itu.int/. 2 Internet World Stats, “Internet Usage Statistics for the Americas,” accessed March 24, 2011, http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats2.htm 3 J. Crump, “The finch and the fox,” London, UK (2010), http://www.slideshare.net/razorfishmarketing/the-finch-and-the-fox.

Computação em nuvem no governo: caminhos para a formação de uma agenda governamental

This work aims to understand how cloud computing contextualizes the IT government and decision agenda, in the light of the multiple streams model, considering the current status of public IT policies, the dynamics of the agenda setting for the area, the interface between the various institutions, and existing initiatives on the use of cloud computing in government. Therefore, a qualitative study was conducted through interviews with a group of policy makers and the other group consists of IT managers. As analysis technique, this work made use of content analysis and analysis of documents, with some results by word cloud. As regards the main results to overregulation to the area, usually scattered in various agencies of the federal government, which hinders the performance of the managers. Identified a lack of knowledge of standards, government programs, regulations and guidelines. Among these he highlighted a lack of understanding of the TI Maior Program, the lack of effectiveness of the National Broadband Plan in view of the respondents, as well as the influence of Internet Landmark as an element that can jam the advances in the use of computing cloud in the Brazilian government. Also noteworthy is the bureaucratization of the acquisition of goods to IT services, limited, in many cases, technological advances. Regarding the influence of the actors, it was not possible to identify the presence of a political entrepreneur, and it was noticed a lack of political force. Political flow was affected only by changes within the government. Fragmentation was a major factor for the theme of weakening the agenda formation. Information security was questioned by the respondents pointed out that the main limitation coupled with the lack of training of public servants. In terms of benefits, resource economy is highlighted, followed by improving efficiency. Finally, the discussion about cloud computing needs to advance within the public sphere, whereas the international experience is already far advanced, framing cloud computing as a responsible element for the improvement of processes, services and economy of public resources

A ação da bancada evangélica na Câmara Municipal de Natal/RN: 2005-2008

The Evangelical Church is an institution that presents itself as a group that aims to be a mediator between society, the state and the country itself. However political practice within the churches have been somewhat taken authoritarian, manipulative, intolerant and realize this reality in the analysis of this work. While understanding that the Church as an institution has formed an opinion about what is right and wrong in their communities as a social institution can be seen in contemporary society growing religious occupation of the public sphere and in all segments of Brazilian society the presence of evangelicals. One of the challenges is the discussion of the practices of Christ when the ownership of the mandate legitimized by the vote happens, what real action is the "Christ policy"? What social contributions to retrieve people, places and cities? What is the competence to work towards promoting the other gains in health, employment, security, education? The purpose of this dissertation is to contribute to the questioning of the current logic and prevailing construction of Christian ideals in politics. Develop an investigation by reference to the absence of a study on the activity of the evangelical councilors Christmas during the period 2004 -2008, order to be able assign a value judgment based on information of projects that every evangelical councilor exercised during the 15th Legislature, occasion that the City Council received the highest representation of evangelical councilors in its history.

O jornal Tribuna do Norte e a publicidade do crime na esfera pública (1950-1970)

The study aims to analyze the crime of the advertising process in the post-World War II period in Brazil, considering the Tribuna do Norte newspaper as one of the main vectors of this production in the public sphere of Rio Grande do Norte. The theoretical discussion is based on sociologists Jürgen Habermas and John Thompson, among others, that bring ideas about the relationship between the press and the public space. Our research in the journal is during the period from 1950, the year of the creation of this press, to 1970, in the context of AI-5 law. This period is considered the consolidation of this periodic in the populist context of Aluízio Alves, as well as the articulation with political changes after and before military coup in 1964. The publicity of crime is showed as a historical building, involving journalistic procedures, subjects and spaces. The publicity is related to commercial and political questions when some facts turned into a public event. In this sense, this research focuses on the publicity in its political dimensions. Related to the methodology, it is an empirical and qualitative study, based on literature, with a descriptive and interpretative approach, according to historian Tânia de Luca. The corpus of analyze is composed by notes, titles, news, reports, advertisements, image texts, among another textual genres. The chapters present a study about the building and changes of the populist journalism; the publicity of crime in democratic times; besides the military coup in 1964 and the changes of publicity of crime. The results of analyzes show that Tribuna do Norte, although has adopted more liberal pattern from North American presses, during the analyzed period has yet conservative and authoritative patterns from old potiguar presses. In this period, the political practice, in spite of diverse commercial interests, was an important element in the trajectory of this ambiguous journalism that has influencing, in a significant way, the production of news of crime.

Orações relativas no português brasileiro em perspectiva histórica

In this study, we focus on the relativization strategies, in diachronic corpus of Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Generally speaking, we aim to investigate the use of the relative in a historical perspective on BP, focusing on semantic-cognitive and discursive-pragmatic motivations involved and the correlation with the discursive traditions. The theoretical perspective underlying our study is the North-American Functional Linguistics, inspired by Talmy Givón, Sandra Thompson, Paul Hopper, Joan Bybee, Elizabeth Traugott, Mario Martelotta, Angelica Furtado da Cunha, among others, combined with contributions of Discursive Traditions, based on authors such as Kabatek, Koch and Oesterreicher. As for the methodology, our research is eminently qualitative, in the sense that it seeks to elucidate semantic-cognitive and discursive-pragmatic motivations related to the use of relativization strategies in BP; and it has quantitative support, with respect to measurable data aspect and characterization of the object of study and its frequency of use. For this investigation, we use the corpora of the project Para a História do Português Brasileiro (PHPB), more specifically, the particular, official, reader and redactor letters written between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries, from four states: Minas Gerais, Paraná, Pernambuco and Rio de Janeiro. The results of this research reveal the variation in relativization strategies, in view of the increase in the relativa cortadora (prepositional chopping strategy) percentage in the corpus of this investigation, even though the occurrence of this strategy is more restricted to private letters. In addition, we found factors of cognitive nature such as reduction in cognitive cost and economy related to the occurrence of that relative strategy, principally in private letters; aspects such as the need for expressiveness and clearness related to the use, even if infrequent, of the relativa copiadora (resumptive strategy), especially in official letters; and factors of communicative order such as the public sphere of circulation of the sample letters, as in the redactor and reader letters, and the gap between the parties most directly involved in the use of the standard relative of our sample.

Practice-based film education for children: teaching and learning for creativity, citizenship and participation

Practice-oriented film education aimed at children has been hailed for various reasons: at a personal level, as a means of providing tools for self-expression, for developing creativity and communication skills. And at a social level, it is argued that children must now become competent producers, in addition to critical consumers, of audiovisual content so they can take part in the global public sphere that is arguably emerging. This chapter discusses how the challenges posed by introducing children to filmmaking (i.e. digital video) are being met at three civil associations in Mexico: La Matatena AC, which seeks to enrich the children’s lives by means of the aesthetic experience filmmaking can bring them. Comunicaciòn Comunitaria, concerned with the impact filmmaking can have on the community, preserving cultural memory and enabling participation. And Juguemos a Grabar, with a focus on urban regeneration through the cultural industries.

Mockumentary as postnationalism: national identity in 'A Day Without a Mexican' by Sergio Arau

The turn to neoliberalism in the 1990s proved decisive for Mexico, as the NAFTA project embraced by the Salinas administration entailed a re-definition of national identity, defined since the revolution as mestizo, Catholic and especially as the Other to the United States. And just as cinema was in those days a crucial discourse for this particular construction of the identity, it was in the 1990s equally instrumental to its redefinition, which largely focused on the role of migrants to the US, presented even as supplementary in the Derridean sense. In 1992, as part of these efforts, Sergio Arau directed a mockumentary which in 2004 became a feature film, ‘A Day Without a Mexican’. As would befit more the seriousness of a documentary than the excess and parody of mockumentary, the stated aim in both was to advance a social agenda, arguing the case for immigrant labour and for Mexican presence in the US more generally. The film charts what would happen in California were all Latino immigrants to suddenly disappear, arguing chaos would ensue. Given the link between cinema and modernity and the relevance of cinema for the nation as an alternative public sphere, this chapter looks at the implications of choosing mockumentary, taken by many to be a paradigmatic postmodern and hybrid form, to discuss the hybridisation of national identity in a transnational film, in the present age of globalisation.

Ink Under the Fingernails: Making Print in Nineteenth-Century Mexico City

This dissertation examines Mexico City’s material politics of print—the central actors engaged in making print, their activities and relationships, and the legal, business, and social dimensions of production—across the nineteenth century. Inside urban printshops, a socially diverse group of men ranging from manual laborers to educated editors collaborated to make the printed items that fueled political debates and partisan struggles in the new republic. By investigating how print was produced, regulated, and consumed, this dissertation argues that printers shaped some of the most pressing conflicts that marked Mexico’s first formative century: over freedom of expression, the role of religion in government, and the emergence of liberalism. Printers shaped debates not only because they issued texts that fueled elite politics but precisely because they operated at the nexus where new liberal guarantees like freedom of the press and intellectual property intersected with politics and patronage, the regulatory efforts of the emerging state, and the harsh realities of a post-colonial economy.

Historians of Mexico have typically approached print as a vehicle for texts written by elites, which they argue contributed to the development of a national public sphere or print culture in spite of low literacy levels. By shifting the focus to print’s production, my work instead reveals that a range of urban residents—from prominent printshop owners to government ministers to street vendors—produced, engaged, and deployed printed items in contests unfolding in the urban environment. As print increasingly functioned as a political weapon in the decades after independence, print production itself became an arena in struggles over the emerging contours of politics and state formation, even as printing technologies remained relatively unchanged over time.

This work examines previously unexplored archival documents, including official correspondence, legal cases, business transactions, and printshop labor records, to shed new light on Mexico City printers’ interactions with the emerging national government, and reveal the degree to which heated ideological debates emerged intertwined with the most basic concerns over the tangible practices of print. By delving into the rich social and cultural world of printing—described by intellectuals and workers alike in memoirs, fiction, caricatures and periodicals— it also considers how printers’ particular status straddling elite and working worlds led them to challenge boundaries drawn by elites that separated manual and intellectual labors. Finally, this study engages the full range of printed documents made in Mexico City printshops not just as texts but also as objects with particular visual and material qualities whose uses and meanings were shaped not only by emergent republicanism but also by powerful colonial legacies that generated ambivalent attitudes towards print’s transformative power.

Caring for the Celtic cubs: Discursive constructions of mothers and mothering in the Irish childcare debate

Drawing on an understanding of the public sphere as a multiplicity of communicative and discursive spaces this paper examines the constructions of mothers, mothering and motherhood which emerged in recent debates about childcare in Ireland. Preliminary analysis of these discursive constructions suggest that they are often based on rhetoric, informed by stereotypical assumptions and rooted in frames of reference which mitigate against the emergence of alternative ways of understanding the issues of mothering and childcare. It will be argued that the reductionist and divisive nature of the childcare debate which ensued prior to the 2005 budget, stymied childcare policy development at a time when its unprecedented prominence on the political agenda and the strength of public finances could have underpinned a shift in policy approach. The paper concludes with an exploration of the ways in which feminist scholarship can challenge the Irish model of childcare policy, which continues to be premised on an understanding of childcare and the reconciliation of work and family life as the privatised responsibility of individual women.

Weathering the crisis? Managing democracy at a national broadcaster

With post-2008 political and economic crises as its backdrop, this inquiry into the political roles and functions of public service broadcasting (PSB) in Ireland is principally concerned with examining the capacities for and actuality of critical and counter-hegemonic professional journalistic and institutional mediations of crisis. Recognising the diversity of influences on the normative identity of Irish PSB, the dissertation adopts a sociological approach that acknowledges the systemic embedding of media institutions in the broader field of power. An initial tracing of the formative impacts of endogenous and exogenous forces on the democratic horizons of PSB suggests that the present crisis conjuncture does not represent promising terrain for engendering critical crisis and recovery imaginaries. A methodologically diverse intra-institutional empirical research agenda aims to explore at close hand Irish PSB’s contingent navigation of crisis, encompassing ethnographic observation in the newsroom, practitioner interviews and textual analysis of broadcast output. These methods afford close analysis of practices of journalistic production and reflexivity, self-conceptions of the journalistic habitus, and ideological affinities of crisis framings in broadcast output. These analyses are supplemented by a participant observation study of the possibilities for public agenda-building in a key institutional venue of public participation in broadcasting governance. The findings offer an evidential basis for the arguments that the crisis has prompted only minimal changes to professional norms and practices of representation and inclusion; that journalistic crisis framings tend toward effecting hegemonic repair by lending support to neoliberal crisis and recovery imaginaries; and that the institutional openings for the building of public counterpower are highly constrained. The overall conclusion is made that the normative democratic orientation embedded in the professional and institutional projects of public service broadcasting help render it ill-equipped to act as a re-democratising countervailing power against the democratic regressions engendered by the present crisis of democratic capitalism.

DIGITAL HISTORY: DESIGNING VIRTUAL ENVIRONMENTS THAT SUPPORT CRITICAL THINKING AND IDEA EXCHANGE, MOTIVATE AND ENGAGE USERS

In my thesis I argue for the use of system designs that: a) open access to a variety of users and allow for collaboration and idea exchange, while at the same time, b) are designed to motivate and engage users. To exemplify my proposed systems design, I created an interactive and open digital history project focused on Romanian culture and identity during Communism, from 1947, when the Communist Party took power by forcing the King to abdicate, until the revolution in 1989, which marked the end of Communism in Romania (Gilberg, 1990, Boia, 2014). In my project, I present the possibility to recreate Habermas’ notion of public sphere and “the unforced force of the better argument” (Habermas, 1989) and Dewey’s (2004) understanding of democracy as a mode of associated living imbued of the spirit of inquiry within contemporary digital history projects. Second, I outline system designs that motivate and engage users, by satisfying the basic psychological needs outlined in Ryan and Deci’s (2000) self-determination theory: autonomy, competence, and relatedness. Two more concepts are included to complete the proposed digital history project design: presence (Ryan, Rigby, & Przybylski, 2006) and learner hero (Rigby & Przybylski, 2009).

From Underground to Elite: Egyptian Bloggers before and after the 2011 Uprising

This research looks at how the shift in the status of Egyptian bloggers from underground dissident voices to mainstream political and media players affected the plurality they add to the public space for discourse in Egypt’s authoritarian settings. The role of the internet – and more recently social media and bloggers – in democratic transition has been studied by various media scholars since the introduction of the worldwide web and especially after the Egyptian and Tunisian uprisings of 2011. But no work has been done to study how bringing those once-underground bloggers into the public and media spotlight affected the nature of the blogosphere and the bloggers themselves. Star bloggers were not only covered by the media after January 25th, 2011, they also started joining the media as column writers; a move that had various effects on them and the blogosphere but was never examined in media studies. The plurality the blogosphere adds to the Egyptian public space for discourse in light of those changes as well as in light of the financial and practical sustainability of blogging was hence never looked at in a context similar to Egypt’s. Guided by modified theories of the public sphere and theories of hegemony and manufacturing consent, I look at whether bloggers have been co-opted into the historical bloc in the process of renewing the social order and how this affects them and the online sphere. Also, guided by theories of power and media elites, I look at bloggers’ backgrounds to assess whether they come from power elites and are transforming into media elites, thus limiting the plurality of the online sphere. Finally, guided by theoretical works on institutionalizing and commercializing the internet, I look at how those shifts into mainstream affect the independence and freedom of the blogs and microblogs. The research uses a comparative study to assess how those changes affect prominent versus less prominent bloggers and compare their backgrounds. The study uses quantitative content analysis and framing analysis of chosen media outlets and interviews with bloggers, marketeers and media professionals. The findings trace an increase in media coverage of bloggers post January 25th, 2011, especially in the prominent bloggers category, and an overall positive framing of bloggers post the uprising. This led to the mainstreaming of bloggers into the media as well as public work, which had various implications on the freedom they had over their content and voice, both online and offline. It also points to a dramatic decrease in bloggers’ activity on their blogs in favour of mainstream and social media and due to star bloggers becoming more career-oriented and their failure to make blogs financially sustainable. The findings also indicate that more prominent bloggers seem to come from more elite backgrounds than others and enjoy luxuries that allow them the time, technology and security to post online. This research concludes that the shifts in bloggers’ status post-January 25th have limited the plurality they add to the discourse in Egypt.