941 resultados para neo-colonialismo


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Biomolecules are susceptible to many different post-translational modifications that have important effects on their function and stability, including glycosylation, glycation, phosphorylation and oxidation chemistries. Specific conversion of aspartic acid to its isoaspartyl derivative or arginine to citrulline leads to autoantibody production in models of rheumatoid disease, and ensuing autoantibodies cross-react with native antigens. Autoimmune conditions associate with increased activation of immune effector cells and production of free radical species via NADPH oxidases and nitric oxide synthases. Generation of neo-antigenic determinants by reactive oxygen and nitrogen species ROS and RNS) may contribute to epitope spreading in autoimmunity. The oxidation of amino acids by peroxynitrite, hypochlorous acid and other reactive oxygen species (ROS) increases the antigenicity of DNA, LDL and IgG, generating ligands for which autoantibodies show higher avidity. This review focuses on the evidence for ROS and RNS in promoting the autoimmune responses observed in diseases rheumatoid arthritis (RA) and systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE). It considers the evidence for ROS/RNS-induced antigenicity arising as a consequence of failure to remove or repair ROS/RNS damaged biomolecules and suggests that an associated defect, probably in T cell signal processing or/or antigen presentation, is required for the development of disease.

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This paper, based on the reflections of two academic social scientists, offers a starting point for dialogue about the importance of critical pedagogy within the university today, and about the potentially transformative possibilities of higher education more generally. We first explain how the current context of HE, framed through neoliberal restructuring, is reshaping opportunities for alternative forms of education and knowledge production to emerge. We then consider how insights from both critical pedagogy and popular education inform our work in this climate. Against this backdrop, we consider the effects of our efforts to realise the ideals of critical pedagogy in our teaching to date and ask how we might build more productive links between classroom and activist practices. Finally, we suggest that doing so can help facilitate a more fully articulated reconsideration of the meanings, purposes and practices of HE in contemporary society. This paper also includes responses from two educational developers, Janet Strivens and Ranald Macdonald, with the aim of creating a dialogue on the role of critical pedagogy in higher education.

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The oharaoter of right-wing extremism in the Federal Republic has undergone extensive transformations in the seventies. As electoral support for the extreme Right declined, a whole range of new groupings emerged pursuing a militant extra-parliamentary strategy. Essential charaoteristics are an increasing tendency to use violence and a close ideological affinity to the NSDAP. They attract a growing number of young people. The increasing susceptibility of young people to rightist ideologies coincides with an economic recession of which young people especially are the victims. Widespread ignorance about Nazism and the prevalence of anti-democratic political attitudes constitute important contributary factors and point to a considerable potential for right-extremism in the Federal Republic., This potential can be attributed. to the negative effects of much of the material dealing with the NS past, to serious deficiencies in the area of historical-political education in schools and, above all, to the absence of any :real process of "coming to terms with the past" in the postwar period. Neo-Nazism is not completely isolated from other trends in West German society. Rightist elements within the established party system and broad sections of the population hold similar views and attitudes. This similarity, linked with an over-exaggerated concern with a perceived threat from the extreme Left may explain the absence of any concerted effort to deal with nee-Nazi tendencies. The response of the courts exemplifies a widespread tendency to under-estimate the significance of the extreme Right. Opposition to the Right is restricted primarily to those circles which suffered most under the Nazi regime. The analysis suggests that one must reject the simplistic view that at the present time the Right does not constitute a serious threat to West German democracy. The study evaluates the wide range of views to be found in secondary sources on the subject of neo-Nazism and is :intended, to contribute to the ongoing discussion conceming the potential for right-extremism in West Germany.

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Policy issues which receive large inputs of scientific and technical information are frequently marred by acrimonious controversies between contributing experts. There are few if any examples of a public policy decision being based on a firm consensus of scientific and technical experts. Such a consensus is taken for granted by the `Rational' model of decision making and its derivatives. Comparing the dynamics of conflict in policy-relevant issues with those of conflict in `pure' science, one is struck by their great similarity. In both cases we witness examples of rhetorical statements about incompetence, conflicting interpretations of data, and interdisciplinary communication problems. Noting this similarity, this thesis attempts to answer the question, `Is there a similarity of cause: do the same causes lie at the roots of conflict in policy-relevant and policy-irrelevant science?' In answering this question this thesis examines recent controversies in a generally policy-irrelevant science - evolutionary biology. Three episodes of conflict are studied: the `Neutral Allele Theory', `Punctuated Equilibrium', and `Structuralist versus Functionalist approaches to evolution'. These controversies are analysed in terms of both Kuhn's account of scientific `crises' and Collingridge and Reeve's (1986) `Overcritical Model'. Comparing its findings with those of Collingridge and Reeve, this thesis concludes that, (a) there is a Kuhnian crisis in contemporary evolution theory and, (b) that common causes do lie at the roots of conflict in policy-relevant and policy-irrelevant science. Science has an inherent tendency to degenerate into acrimonious conflict but at the same time has mechanisms which eventually resolve such conflicts. Unfortunately, when science is incorporated into the policy arena these mechanisms are prevented from operating. This thesis reinforces Collingridge and Reeve's conclusion that science is of little use to policy.

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The Gaullist settlement of 1958 reconfigured the political institutions of France, introducing into the republican mainstream a new form of leadership politics. Adapting the literature on political opportunity structure (POS) theory, and using the French left as a case study, can help us understand how political parties, ideology and leadership adapt to political institutions and norms. It also illuminates what the consequences are of such adaptation in the contemporary period, particularly as regards the institutionally bound roles of political 'character', protocol and discourse. The paper appraises the relevance and appropriateness of POS theory to leadership politics in France.

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In the paper learning algorithm for adjusting weight coefficients of the Cascade Neo-Fuzzy Neural Network (CNFNN) in sequential mode is introduced. Concerned architecture has the similar structure with the Cascade-Correlation Learning Architecture proposed by S.E. Fahlman and C. Lebiere, but differs from it in type of artificial neurons. CNFNN consists of neo-fuzzy neurons, which can be adjusted using high-speed linear learning procedures. Proposed CNFNN is characterized by high learning rate, low size of learning sample and its operations can be described by fuzzy linguistic “if-then” rules providing “transparency” of received results, as compared with conventional neural networks. Using of online learning algorithm allows to process input data sequentially in real time mode.

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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party ( Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat ), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah ( Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

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This study examined the relationship between the Turkish Islamic movements and the present government of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi, AK Party). Since the AK Party came to power in 2002 it implemented unparalleled political reforms and pursued to improve Turkey’s relations with the EU. Opponents argued that because of the dominance of the secular military in Turkish politics, the AK Party is forced to secretly advance its Islamic agenda using the language and symbolism of democracy and human rights. This study argued that the ideas of the AK Party show similarities with the “Ottomanist” thought of the late Ottoman era. With special reference to the preservation of the Ottoman State, Ottomanism in an eclectic way was able to incorporate Islamic principles like freedom, justice and consultation into the political arena which was increasingly dominated by the secular European concepts. Literature on Islam and politics in Turkey, however, disregards the Ottoman roots of freedom and pluralism and tends to reduce the relationship between religion and state into exclusively confrontational struggles. This conceptualization of the political process relies on particular non-Turkish Muslim experiences which do not necessarily represent Islam’s venture in Turkey. Contrary to the prevailing scholarship, Islamic movements in Turkey, namely, Naqshbandi, National View and Nur, which are discussed in detail in this study, are not monolithic. They all uphold the same creedal tenets of Islam but they have sharp differences in terms of how they conceptualize the role of religious agency in politics. I argue that this diversity is a result of three distinct methodologies of Islamic religious life which are the Tariqah (Tarikat), Shariah (Şeriat), and Haqiqah (Hakikat). The differences between these three approaches represent a typological hierarchy in the formation of the Muslim/believer as an agent of Islamic identity. Through these different if not conflicting modes, the AK Party reconnected itself with Turkey’s Ottoman heritage in a post-Ottoman, secular setting and was able to develop an eclectic political identity of Neo-Ottomanism that is evident in the flexibility if not inconsistency of its domestic and foreign policy preferences.

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This thesis has as main objective to reflect about the defining conceptual elements of the embodied curriculum concept, ident ified curriculum conception from the analysis about the rationality employed in the doctoral work of teacher Antonio Fernando Gouvê a da Silva, entitled The construction of the curriculum in popular critical perspective: the significant words to the context ualized practices , written and defended in the Postgraduate Program in Education: Curriculum, in the Pontifícia Catholic University of São Paulo, in 2004. We looked, also, on the problematization of the affinities between postcolonial theories – analytical perspectives towards the discussion about coloniality and their effect on contemporary social weaving – and the embodied curriculum concept. We argue that the reflections present in the aforementioned work bring an articulated curriculum concept based on three conceptual symbiotic elements, namely: negativity, dialogue and praxis, which, by endorsing the possibility of a curricular ingrained practice in the life context of the individuals, have some post - colonial inclinations that lead to the problematizat ion about the neo - colonial manifestations in curricular sphere, outlining a critique of the modus operandi of the colonialism, particularly, in its cultural and epistemic dimension from which the education is inseparable. For that, we used as methodologica l procedure the symbolic cartography, knowledge building strategy systematized by Boaventura de Sousa Santos, which allowed us to construct interpretive maps that enabled the symbolization of the universe which we longed to understand, that is, the concept ual categories mentioned above, which, in our view, underlie the concept of embodied curriculum. In this direction, we anchored ourselves in a meaningful dialogue with the theoretical approach of Paulo Freire and some of his interpreters regarding the disc ussion on curriculum, especially the reflections dev eloped by Antonio Fernando Gouvê a da Silva, and authors whose theoretical developments resonate in prospects for humanization, social justice and empowerment, among which we highlight: Theodor Adorno, Hug o Zemelman, Wilfred Carr, Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez, among others. We seek, in the same manner, on the contributions of authors considered post - colonial, as Hugo Achugar, Gayatri Spivak, Boaventura de Sousa Santos and Enrique Dussel, to name a few, the reason s why we consider the embodied curriculum as a place of political - pedagogical enunciation, conducive to an educational praxis that engages in a curricular work of reality translation in order to see what overwhelms it to, then, elicit the construction of a school curriculum as an awareness project for releasing in relation to what is unjust and inhumane. We consider, finally, that the success of this curriculum embodied translation implies a larger number of speakers mobilized in the production of knowledge that yearns for social emancipation and contribute to the enrichment of human capabilities as the maintenance of the life and the dignity of people.

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Esta dissertação de mestrado apresenta os resultados da pesquisa sobre Roger Williams – pastor puritano, de origem inglesa, que migrou para a América a fim de participar da constituição da colônia de Massachusetts, no ano de 1631. Pergunta-se, nesta pesquisa, sobre os motivos que levaram Roger Williams a questionar o pensamento dominante, relativo à natureza do ameríndio e à legitimidade da ocupação de suas terras. Parte-se da tese de que a partir das experiências de Roger Williams, primeiro, com o sofrimento dos pobres e com perseguição religiosa na Inglaterra, segundo, suas próprias experiências na América, ele pôde contemplar os ameríndios como vítimas do sistema colonial inglês-puritano. Seu posicionamento seria, portanto, uma abertura à alteridade desses povos. Com isso, o objetivo determinado foi o de analisar a crítica de Roger Williams ao colonialismo inglês e sua defesa aos ameríndios, buscando compreendê-lo frente à alteridade dos ameríndios. Trata-se de uma bibliográfica das obras do autor e também de outros autores que tratam do tema. Como referência teórica, remetemo-nos ao pensamento de Enrique Dussel, principalmente, por meio de algumas categorias da Filosofia da Libertação, como Totalidade, Exterioridade, Alteridade, Alienação, Dominação e Libertação, que possibilitaram pensar o sistema colonial em sua incapacidade de contemplar a exterioridade ameríndia. Também, de Dussel, aplicou-se a reflexão sobre a crítica ética desde a negatividade das vítimas, para poder-se analisar o comportamento do personagem diante da violência colonial. E para a discussão sobre a sujeiticidade de Roger Williams, buscou-se o aporte de Franz J. Hinkelammert quanto à teoria do sujeito. Como resultado, os três capítulos da dissertação apresentam, respectivamente, uma síntese biográfica e contextual do personagem, seguida por uma exposição do debate sobre a humanidade e a civilidade dos ameríndios e sobre a questão da terra e, no terceiro capítulo, uma discussão sobre Roger Williams e a alteridade. Detectou-se, na trajetória do personagem, uma sensibilidade ética que o conduziu à defesa de grupos marginalizados socialmente, primeiro na Inglaterra e depois nas colônias. E diante disso, concluiu-se que a defesa dos ameríndios seguiu esse mesmo critério, possibilitando a Williams distanciar-se das pressuposições europeias quanto à sua superioridade para buscar novos paradigmas que orientassem as relações entre colonos e nativos. Espera-se que este trabalho possa contribuir para as reflexões críticas sobre a gênese do colonialismo e sobre os primeiros sinais de um pensamento crítico no interior do sistema colonial.

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O objetivo dessa tese é aprofundar, a partir do discurso pós-colonial, uma crise na perspectiva teológica da libertação. Esta promoveu, na década de 1970, uma reviravolta nos estudos teológicos no terceiro mundo. Para tanto, leremos um conto de Gabriel García Márquez chamado “El ahogado más hermosodel mundo” (1968) analizando e avaliando as estratégias políticas e culturais ali inscritas. Para levar a frente tal avaliação é preciso ampliar o escopo de uma visão que divide o mundo em secular/religioso, ou em ideias/práticas religiosas e não religiosas, para dar passo a uma visão unificada que compreende a mundanalidade, tanto do que é catalogado como ‘religioso’ quanto do que se pretende ‘não religioso’. A teologia/ciências da religião, como discurso científico sobre a economia das trocas que lidam com visões, compreensões e práticas de mundo marcadas pelo reconhecimento do mistério que lhes é inerente, possuem um papel fundamental na compreensão, explicitação, articulação e disponibilização de tais forças culturais. A percepção de existirem elementos no conto que se relacionam com os símbolos sobre Jesus/Cristo nos ofereceu um vetor de análise; entretanto, não nos deixamos limitar pelos grilhões disciplinares que essa simbologia implica. Ao mesmo tempo, esse vínculo, compreendido desde a relação imperial/colonial inerente aos discursos e imagens sobre Jesus-Cristo, embora sem centralizar a análise, não poderia ficar intocado. Partimos para a construção de uma estrutura teórica que explicitasse os valores, gestos, e horizontes mundanos do conto, cristológicos e não-cristológicos, contribuindo assim para uma desestabilização dos quadros tradicionais a partir dos quais se concebem a teologia e as ciências da religião, a obra de García Márquez como literatura, e a geografia imperial/colonial que postula o realismo ficcional de territórios como “América Latina”. Abrimos, assim, um espaço de significação que lê o conto como uma “não-cristologia”, deslocando o aprisionamento disciplinar e classificatório dos elementos envolvidos na análise. O discurso crítico de Edward Said, Homi Bhabha e GayatriSpivak soma-se à prática teórica de teólogas críticas feministas da Ásia, da África e da América Latina para formular o cenário político emancipatório que denominaremos teologia crítica secular.

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La apicectomía es una técnica de cirugía odontológica humana y veterinaria, que consiste en la amputación o resección de la porción más apical de la raíz dentaria y la retrobturación del ápice con algún material, con el objetivo de conservar el diente afectado de alguna patología apical. Se han usado gran variedad de materiales para la obturación, como amalgama, gutapercha, ionómero de vidrio, composite, MTA e hidróxido de calcio. En este estudio pretendemos comprobar la viabilidad de la técnica de la realización de la apicectomías en premolares y molares mandibulares, usando distintos materiales de retrobturación como son el iónomero de vidrio Ketac Cem μ® y el composite Tetric EvoFlow® en el conejo de experimentación de raza Neozelandesa. Realizamos las apicectomías de los dientes 407, 408 y 409 (3º premolar, 4º premolar y 1º molar inferior derecho), en una sola fase a diez animales. En el primer diente (407) solo se aplica un sellado del diente apicectomizado con hidróxido de calcio en polvo® y pasta Dycal® Dentin y no se coloca ningún material de obturación. En el segundo diente (408), se aplica un sellado con hidróxido de calcio en polvo® y pasta Dycal® Dentin y encima una retrobturación con ionómero de vidrio Ketac Cem μ® y en el tercer diente (409), se aplica un sellado con hidróxido de calcio en polvo® y pasta Dycal® Dentin y encima una retroturación con el composite Tetric EvoFlow®. A las 4 y 8 semanas se sacrificaron los animales y se realizó la toma de muestras. Estas fueron radiografiadas y posteriormente se realizaron cortes histológicos de los dientes apicectomizados y del tejido alrededor. Los cortes fueron teñidos con la tinción Levai-Laczkó y se realizó el estudio histológico cuantitativo y semicuantitativo, según la norma UNE-EN ISO 10993-6:2007, para medir la presencia de inflamación, fibrosis, infiltrados adiposos y cierre óseo del defecto...