New insights on the occurrence of peperites and sedimentary deposits within the silicic volcanic sequences of the Parana Magmatic Province, Brazil

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Population Structure and Pathotype Diversity of the Wheat Blast Pathogen Magnaporthe oryzae 25 Years After Its Emergence in Brazil

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

Trypanosoma cruzi strains from triatomine collected in Bahia and Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

O Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais e a formação das esquerdas culturais na década de 1960

The Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais (CTI) was a group, a space of organization and representation of brazilian intellectuals and artists and that, previous to the military coup in 1964, participated of the debates and fomented the inclusion of sectors of the national intelligentzia in the democratization’s process of the culture. His insertion politics, of the point of view of the effervecence lived for the organized socials movements in Brazil in the years of João Goulart’s government, bring elements to detail the dynamics of the cultural left’s organizations that had emerged of the review’s process of Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), since 1958. The relevance of CTI is confirmed when understand it like an organization that congregated many intellectuals and artists that, after of the military coup in 1964, had been presents in the artistic and cultural brazilian scene, doing resistance to the military governments that if had occurred in the next decades.

Genetic diversity and population structure of the New World screwworm fly from the Amazon region of Brazil

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Two-spotted spider mite and its natural enemies on strawberry grown as protected and unprotected crops in Norway and Brazil

Cultivation of strawberry in plastic tunnels has increased considerably in Norway and in southeastern Brazil, mainly in an attempt to protect the crop from unsuitable climatic factors and some diseases as well as to allow growers to expand the traditional production season. It has been hypothesized that cultivation under tunnels could increase the incidence of one of its major pests in many countries where strawberry is cultivated, including Norway and Brazil, the two spotted spider mite, Tetranychus urticae. The objective of this study was to evaluate the effect of the use of tunnels on the incidence of T. urticae and on its natural enemies on strawberry in two ecologically contrasting regions, Norway (temperate) and southeastern Brazil (subtropical). In both countries, peak densities of T. urticae in tunnels and in the open fields were lower than economic thresholds reported in the literature. Factors determining that systematically seem to be the prevailing relatively low temperature in Norway and high relative humidity in both countries. The levels of occurrence in Norway and Brazil in 2010 were so low that regardless of any potential effect of the use of tunnel, no major differences were observed between the two cropping systems in relation to T. urticae densities. In 2009 in Norway and in 2011 in Brazil, increase in T. urticae population seemed to have been restrained mainly by rainfall in the open field and by predatory mites in the tunnels. Phytoseiids were the most numerous predatory mite group of natural occurrence on strawberry, and the prevalence was higher in Brazil, where the most abundant species on strawberry leaves were Neoseiulus anonymus and Phytoseiulus macropilis. In Norway, the most abundant naturally occurring phytoseiids on strawberry leaves were Typhlodromus (Anthoseius) rhenanus and Typhlodromus (Typhlodromus) pyri. Predatory mites were very rare in the litter samples collected in Norway. Infection rate of the pest by the fungus Neozygites floridana (Neozygitaceae) was low. The results of this work suggest that in Norway the use of tunnels might not affect the population densities of T. urticae on strawberry in years of lower temperatures. When temperature is not a limiting factor for the development of T. urticae in that country (apparently always the case in southern Brazil), strawberry cultivation in the tunnels may allow T. urticae to reach higher population levels than in open fields (because of the provided protection from the direct impact of rainfall), but natural enemies may prevent higher levels from being reached.

Tropidomyrmex elianae, a new myrmicine ant genus and species from Brazil, tentatively assigned to Solenopsidini (Hymenoptera, Formicidae)

A new myrmicine ant, Tropidomyrmex elianae gen. n. & sp. n., is described from southeastern and central Brazil, based on workers, ergatoid gynes, males and larvae. Tropidomyrmex workers are relatively small, monomorphic, characterized mainly by the feebly pigmented and extremely thin integument; subfalcate mandibles bearing a single apical tooth; palpal formula 1,2; clypeus relatively broad and convex; reduced compound eyes; propodeum unarmed and with a strongly medially depressed declivous face; double and bilobed well developed subpostpetiolar processes; and peculiarities in the sting apparatus. A colony fragment of T. elianae containing workers, ergatoid gynes, males, and brood was found inside a ground termite nest (Anoplotermes pacificus Apicotermitinae) in a montane rocky scrubland in the state of Minas Gerais, southeastern Brazil. Tropidomyrmex elianae is known also from two workers collected in leaf litter samples processed with a Winkler extractor, from the state of Tocantins, central-north Brazil. Despite the differences from the accepted solenopsidine genera, Tropidomyrmex is tentatively assigned to this tribe. Within the solenopsidine ants, the genus is apparently related to Tranopelta. Tropidomyrmex is marked by extreme reductions, perhaps reflecting adaptations to particular habits and habitats.

Equity and women's health services for contraception, abortion and childbirth in Brazil

This paper addresses equity in health and health care in Brazil, examining unjust disparities between women and men, and between women from different social strata, with a focus on services for contraception, abortion and pregnancy. In 2010 women's life expectancy was 77.6 years, men's was 69.7 years. Women are two-thirds of public hospital services users and assess their health status less positively than men. The total fertility rate was 1.8 in 2011, and contraceptive prevalence has been high among women at all income levels. The proportion of sterilizations has decreased; lower-income women are more frequently sterilized. Abortions are mostly illegal; women with more money have better access to safe abortions in private clinics. Poorer women generally self-induce abortion with misoprostol, seeking treatment of complications from public clinics. Institutional violence on the part of health professionals is reported by half of women receiving abortion care and a quarter of women during childbirth. Maternity care is virtually universal. The public sector has fewer caesarean sections, fewer low birth weight babies, and more rooming-in, but excessive episiotomies and inductions. Privacy, continuity of care and companionship during birth are more common in the private sector. To achieve equity, the health system must go beyond universal, unregulated access to technology, and move towards safe, effective and transparent care. (C) 2012 Reproductive Health Matters

Materno-infantilism, feminism and maternal health policy in Brazil

In the last days of 2011, President of Brazil Dilma Rousseff issued a provisional measure (or draft law) entitled "National Surveillance and Monitoring Registration System for the Prevention of Maternal Mortality" (MP 557), as part of a new maternal health programme. It was supposed to address the pressing issue of maternal morbidity and mortality in Brazil, but instead it caused an explosive controversy because it used terms such as nascituro (unborn child) and proposed the compulsory registration of every pregnancy. After intense protests by feminist and human rights groups that this law was unconstitutional, violated women's right to privacy and threatened our already limited reproductive rights, the measure was revised in January 2012, omitting "the unborn child" but not the mandatory registration of pregnancy. Unfortunately, neither version of the draft law addresses the two main problems with maternal health in Brazil: the over-medicalisation of childbirth and its adverse effects, and the need for safe, legal abortion. The content of this measure itself reflects the conflictive nature of public policies on reproductive health in Brazil and how they are shaped by close links between different levels of government and political parties, and religious and professional sectors. (C) 2012 Reproductive Health Matters

Rhyming the National Spirit: Taras Shevchenko and Ilia Chavchavadze

The paper is a comparative inquiry into the roles of Ilia Chavchavadze (1837-1907) and Taras Shevchenko (1818-1861) as national poets and anti-colonial (anti-Tsarist) intellectuals within the context of their respective national traditions (Georgia and Ukraine). During the period of their activity (19th and the beginning of 20th century) both Ukraine and Georgia were under Tsarist imperial rule, albeit the two poets lived in different periods of Russian empire history. Through their major works, each called on their communities to ‘awaken’ and ‘revolt’ against oppression, rejected social apathy caused by Tsarist subjugation and raised awareness about the historical past of their nations. The non-acceptance of present and belief in an independent future was one of the dominant themes in the poetry and prose of both. Their contemporary importance is illustrated in political discourse both after Orange Revolution in Ukraine (2004), and Rose Revolution in Georgia (2003) where both poets are referred “as founding fathers of national ideology”, the history textbooks alluding to them as “symbols of anti-colonial resistance”. To this day, however, there has been surprisingly little academic writing in the West endeavoring to compare the works and activities of the two poets and their impact on national mobilization in Tsarist Ukraine and Georgia, even though their countries are often mentioned in a same breath by commentators on contemporary culture and politics. The paper attempts to fill this gap and tries to understand the relationship between literature and social mobilization in 19th century Russian Empire. By reflecting on Taras Shevchenko’s and Ilia Chavchavadze’s poetry, prose and social activism, I will try to explain how in different periods of Russian imperial history, the two poets helped to develop a modern form of political belonging among their compatriots and stimulated an anti-colonial mobilization with different political outcomes. To theorize on the role of poets and novelists in anti-colonial national movement, I will reflect on the writings of Benedict Anderson (1991), John Hutchinson (1994; 1999), Rory Finnin (2005; 2011) and problematize Miroslav Hroch’s (1996) three phase model of the development of national movements. Overall, the paper would aim to show the importance of, what John Hutchinson called, ‘cultural nationalists’ in understanding contemporary nationalist discourse in Georgian and Ukrainian societies.

The International Human Rights Policies of New Democracies: Brazil and Chile in Comparative Perspective

Since the beginning of the 1990s, the majority of Latin American states have attempted to incorporate in some way or another human rights concern into their respective foreign policies, highlighting a history of human rights abuses and the return of democratic political rule as a trigger for galvanizing a commitment to assist in preventing such violations in other countries. Yet, while human rights have come to play a non-trivial role in the contemporary foreign policy of many Latin American states, there is great diversity in the ways and the extent to which they go about incorporating human rights concerns into their foreign policies. Explaining the diversity of human rights foreign policies of new Latin American democracies is at the heat of this project. The main research questions are the following: Why do new democracies incorporate human rights into their foreign policies? And what explains the different international human rights policies of new democracies? To answer these questions, this research compares the human rights foreign policies of Chile and Brazil for over two decades starting from their respective transitions to democracy. The study argues that states commitment to international human rights is the result of the intersection of domestic and international influences. At the international level, the search for international legitimacy and the desire for recognition and credibility affected the adoption of international human rights in both cases but with different degrees of impact. International values and pressures by themselves, while necessary, are an insufficient condition for human rights initiatives perceived to have not insubstantial political, economic or strategic costs. New democracies will be more or less likely to actively include human rights in their international policies depending on the following four domestic conditions: political leadership legitimizing the inclusion of human rights into a state's policies, civil society groups connected to international human rights advocacy networks with a capacity to influencing the foreign policy decisions of their government, and the Foreign Ministry's attitudes towards international human rights and the degree of influence it exercises over the outcome of the foreign policy process.

Recent Changes in European Welfare State Services: A Comparison of Child Care Politics in the U.K., Sweden, Germany, and the Netherlands. CES Germany & Europe Working Papers, No. 07.6, 1997

This paper examines recent policies and politics of services, in particular child care services in European welfare states. It is argued that social (care) services are becoming an increasingly political issue in postindustrial societies and are at the very center of welfare-state restructuring. Some countries have recently developed new policy pro­ grams for child care-but there are important differences among these programs. To understand these differences as well as some common features, the paper argues that it is necessary to examine the institutional organization of child care and short-term political factors as well as the rationales articulated in political debates to support or im­ pede various policies. The paper concludes that a comprehensive system of child care provisions is still far off in most countries, despite a rhetoric of choice and postindustrial care and labor-market patterns.

The Drivers of Current Account Surplus in Germany and the Politics of Rebalancing in the Eurozone. EU Centre, Singapore Working Paper No. 24, April 2015

Current account deficits have caught the public’s attention as they have contributed to the European debt crisis. However, surpluses also constitute an issue as a deficit in any country must be financed through a surplus in another country. In 2013, Germany, now the world’s largest surplus economy, registered a record high US$273 billion surplus. This paper looks at what accounts for Germany’s surplus, revealing that the major driving factors include strong global demand for quality German exports, domestic wage restraint, an undervalued single currency, high domestic savings rate and interest rate convergence in the euro area. This paper echoes the US Treasury’s view that a persistent German surplus makes it harder for the eurozone as a whole and the southern peripheral economies in particular to recover from the current financial crisis by imposing a Europe-wide “deflationary bias” through pushing up the exchange rate of the euro, exporting feeble German inflation and projecting its ultra-tight macroeconomic policies onto crisis economies. This paper contends that Germany’s trade surplus is likely to endure as Germany and other eurozone countries uphold diverging views on the nature of the surplus engage in a blame-game amidst a sluggish rebalancing process. Prizing the surplus as a reflection of hard work and economic competitiveness, German authorities urge their southern eurozone colleagues to undertake bold structural reforms to correct the imbalance, while the hand-tied governments in crisis-stricken economies call on Germany to do its “homework” by boosting German demands for European goods and services.

Brazil : agricultural and trade policies.

Mode of access: Internet.