306 resultados para ankara vastuu


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Climate variability and changes in the frequency of extremes events have a direct impact on crop damages and yield. In a former work of Capa et al. (2013) the crop yield variability has been studied using different reanalyses datasets with the aim of extending the time series of potential yield. The reliability of these time series have been checked using observational data. The influence of the sea surface temperature on the crop yield variability has been studied, finding a relation with El Niño phenomenon. The highest correlation between El Niño and yield was during 1960-1980. This study aims to analyse the dynamical mechanism of El Niño impacts on maize yield in Spain during 1960-1980 by comparison with atmospheric circulation patterns.

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The aim of this research is to identify aspects that support the development of prospective mathematics teachers’ professional noticing in a b-learning context. The study presented here investigates the extent to which prospective secondary mathematics teachers attend and interpret secondary school students’ proportional reasoning and decide how to respond. Results show that interactions in an on-line discussion improve prospective mathematics teachers’ ability to identify and interpret important aspects of secondary school students’ mathematical thinking.

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The aim of this research is to characterize the coordination of the processes of approximation related to the understanding of the limit of a function. We analyze the answers of 64 post-secondary school students to 7 problems considering the dynamic and metric conception of limit of a function. Results indicate that the metric understanding of the limit in terms of inequality supports that the student is capable of coordinating the approximations in the domain and in the range when lateral approximations coincide. However, the student is not capable of this coordination when lateral approximations do not coincide. This indicates that the metric understanding of the limit begins with the previous construction of the dynamic conception in case of coincidence of the lateral approximations in the range.

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This study focuses on how prospective teachers learn about students’ mathematical thinking when (i) anticipating secondary students’ answers reflecting different characteristics of understanding and (ii) propose new activities in relation to the classification of quadrilaterals. The data were collected from forty-eight prospective secondary school teachers enrolled in an initial training programme. The results indicate three changes in how the prospective teachers anticipate secondary students’ answers in relation to the role given to a perceptual or relational perspective of the classification of quadrilaterals. These changes are described considering how prospective teachers grasp the students’ understanding of the inclusive relation among quadrilaterals as a conceptual advance. We argue that prospective teachers’ learning was promoted after participating in a structured environment where they had the opportunity to discuss how to recognize the features of student’s understanding.

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lil-Imām Aḥmad ibn Sharqāwī. Wa-yalīhā kitāb Naṣīḥat al-dhākirīn wa-irghām al-mukābirīn / lil-Ustādh al-madhkūr. Muṭarrizan hāmishahā bi-al-risālah al-musammāh bi-al-Asinnah al-faʻʻālah fī akbād man ankara ʻalá al-ustādh marartu ʻalá al-jalālah / lil-ʻAllāmah al-Muḥaqqiq Mawlānā al-Shaykh Muḥammad al-Miṣrī al-Jirjāwī.

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Freedom of religion is a fundamental right that must be protected and respected by states. While Turkey has taken important steps in advancing religious freedoms over the last decade, a number of challenges remain. Turkey’s Alevi Community continues to face serious problems in terms of being officially recognised by the state and in practicing their religion. While Turkey is officially a secular country, Sunni Islam is the unofficial state religion. Despite Ankara being a signatory of several international conventions and treaties that guarantee fundamental freedoms for all, key fundamental rights of Alevis remain ignored by the state. Last September, hopes were raised that a new “democratisation package” would include steps to further their freedoms but it failed to do so, with the government announcing that a ‘special’ Alevi reform package would be unveiled by the end of 2013. This did not happen.

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On 30 March, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) scooped a significant victory in local elections, taking almost 44 percent of the vote despite accusations of corruption, undermining the rule of law, fundamental rights and freedoms. While there have been claims of election fraud and the main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), has demanded recounts in several cities including Istanbul and Ankara, it is clear that even allowing for some level of fraud the win was substantial and more than most people expected. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has reached a juncture. He has two choices: return to the path of democracy after a period of democratic back-sliding which included passing several controversial reforms such as a new internet law which led to the recent banning of Twitter and Youtube; or alternatively he can forge ahead with his much talked of revenge campaign against those he has accused of creating a “parallel state” and conspiring to remove him from power. Given that Erdoğan viewed this election as a referendum on his popularity and leadership there is a serious risk that he will do the latter; using the significant mandate given to him to do whatever he wants, including further cracking down on democracy.

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Democratic values and basic rights in Turkey are hanging by a thread. Over the past eighteen months the rule of law, civil liberties and freedoms have been eroded which has left many Turks anxious over the direction in which their country is heading. With Turkey’s accession negotiations de facto frozen, the EU finds itself with little leverage over Ankara. Calls of concern have fallen on deaf ears as Turkey’s leadership has become increasingly belligerent, with its EU related narrative overflowing with resentment. Because Turkey’s accession negotiations are irreversibly intertwined with Turkey-EU cooperation in other areas, this has had a negative impact on the broader relationship between both sides. Recent examples include the issue of foreign fighters traveling from Europe to Syria via Turkey. Each side has accused the other of not doing enough to stem the flow. Likewise, following the decision of Russian President, Vladimir Putin, to ban the import of agricultural goods from countries that have placed sanctions on Moscow, the EU asked Turkey to demonstrate solidarity, as a “candidate country”, and not to increase exports of agricultural products to Russia. Turkey rejected this request and is reportedly working on strengthening trade ties with Moscow. Turkey remains an important partner in a number of key areas including trade, energy, foreign and security policy and migration. At a time when the EU faces crises in both its Eastern and Southern neighbourhoods, a reliable and predictable Turkey, with which it can cooperate in the Black Sea and Middle East neighbourhoods is crucial. Hence the vision and plans of the EU’s new leadership, in particular new Foreign Policy Chief, Federica Mogherini, and Commissioner for European Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations, Johannes Hahn, how to shape relations with Ankara is particularly significant. The Union’s current policy is counterproductive and is further eroding trust and cooperation rather than enhancing it. It needs to be turned around.

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The Centre for Eastern Studies has decided to embark on the project entitled 'Turkey after the start of negotiations with the European Union - foreign relations and the domestic situation' for two major reasons: the start of the accession negotiations between Ankara and the European Union in October 2005, and the significant part which Turkey plays in western Eurasia (the Caucasus, the countries in the basins of the Black and Caspian Seas, the Middle East and the Balkans) which We wish to present our readers our second report discussing Turkey's relations with Central Asia, the Caucasus and Russia, the aspect of Turkish foreign policy regarding the Black Sea, and the role of Turkey as a transit country for oil and gas from the Middle East and the Caspian regions. The evaluation of Turkey's standpoint and potential regarding the aforementioned issues is especially important, considering the tensions existing in Turkey's relations with the EU and the USA, as well as the West's increasing engagement in the Caucasus, Central Asia and Black Sea regions. In this process, Ankara may play the role of a significant ally for the West. However, it may just as readily play the role of its rival, who could co-operate with other countries and may seriously frustrate the implementation of the EU and US' goals. The Report was developed between autumn 2006 and autumn 2007, over which time the project participants searched for publicly available documents in Poland, Turkey, EU countries and the USA, and went on five research trips to Central Asia, Russia, Turkey and Caucasus, where they met local analysts, officials and researchers.