1000 resultados para Universitat Pompeu Fabra


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Although both are fundamental terms in the humanities and social sciences, discourse and knowledge have seldom been explicitly related, and even less so in critical discourse studies. After a brief summary of what we know about these relationships in linguistics, psychology, epistemology and the social sciences, with special emphasis on the role of knowledge in the formation of mental models as a basis for discourse, I examine in more detail how a critical study of discourse and knowledge may be articulated in critical discourse studies. Thus, several areas of critical epistemic discourse analysis are identified, and then applied in a study of Tony Blair’s Iraq speech on March 18, 2003, in which he sought to legitimatize his decision to go to war in Iraq with George Bush. The analysis shows the various modes of how knowledge is managed and manipulated of all levels of discourse of this speech.

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In this paper, we investigate how the gendered origin of migrant networks (i.e. matrilineal vs. patrilineal) is associated with aspirations to migrate and subsequent migration behavior. Using longitudinal data from the Mexican Family Life Survey (MxFLS), we follow 3,923 married couples across 139 municipalities over the 2002-2005 period. We find that the networks of both the individual and her/his spouse are associated with aspiring to migrate to the United States. However, one’s own network matters most (i.e. matrilineal networks for women and patrilineal networks for men). On the other hand, in terms of behavior, only matrilineal networks predict a subsequent move to the U.S. for men and women/couples, who are assessed jointly. These findings suggest that our understanding of the role of migrant networks in perpetuating male-centered, labor migration does not necessarily translate once a union has formed. We make the case that future work would do well to account for not only the presence and composition of networks, but also their origin, which in certain circumstances may be the most relevant factor.

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Today, Temporary Labour Migration is a fundamental course of action promoted by relevant economic and political agents, such as EC, the GCIM, or the OECD. Based on a specific empirical case study of Temporary and Circular Labour Migration in the Catalonian agrarian sector, which has been distinguished as a particularly successful formula, we identify a new area of interest: the emergence of a new empirical migrant category, the Circular Labour Migrant, which remains theoretically unnamed and lacks public recognition. We argue that, until now, there have been two historical phases regarding temporary labour migration: one of total deregulation and another of partial regulation, led by private actors with support from public institutions, and featuring circularity. IN a developed Welfare State context, it would be normatively pertinent to except a step towards a third phase, one involving the institutionalization of this new mobility category through the elaboration of a public policy.

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This paper aims to identify and assess the main items in the strategy followed by the EU and its member states on the externalisation of their asylum function. First, it analyses the European harmonisation of the return to safe third countries and to countries of first asylum, which is carried out by means of readmission agreements. Second, it refers to the strategies defined by the Hague and the Stockholm programs concerning the External Aspects of the European Union Asylum Policy, on the detention centres for illegal immigrants abroad, and on the proposals for delocalisation of asylum applications processing centres beyond the EU borders. Finally, this paper considers whether the strategy of externalisation of the function of asylum sometimes lacks legitimacy, and to what extent there is a fair balance between the interests of the states and the protection of the human rights of refugees and asylum seekers.

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The idea that immigration controls in Western developed states are a response to popular pressure is axiomatic in the academic literature on migration. In the academic literature and in policy circles it is also commonplace to hear that migration is eroding the sovereignty of states. This article challenges both of these ideas. We argue that both of these ideas overlook or ignore the erosion of popular sovereignty from within states. We argue that engaging with, rather than evading, public debate on migration can potentially help to reinvigorate popular sovereignty.

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The aim of this paper is to examine the various controversies over the genuineproblems of toleration in a plurally diverse polity as both historically andconceptually, toleration is one of the foundational characteristics that defines thevery essence of a plurally diverse polity and the basic virtue associated with a liberalconception of citizenship. In section 1, I present the main philosophical andconceptual issues related to the toleration-based approach to diversity in liberalpolitical theory. In section 2 I identify the conditions and the circumstances oftoleration. I articulate in Section 3 the most pressing objections against toleration. Ipresent in section 4 two competing approaches to the toleration-based approach todiversity is faced with. In the concluding section, I outline a modified conception oftoleration that mediates between different requirements associated with the twoprincipled commitments of the liberal version of the rights-based conception ofcitizenship.

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It has been found that the symbolic elites have a prominent role in the discursive reproduction of racism in society, because they control the public discourse through which many ethnic prejudices are spread and shared. This special position of the mass media requires that the professional education of journalists, also featuring such topics as ethnic studies, diversity and racism, is optimally adapted to the multicultural societies in Europe, North America and Australia. This paper reports about an extensive research project examining ethnic education of journalists in these white-dominated countries, by examining the websites of many journalism and communication departments. Consistent with the general finding that white symbolic elites primarily deny or ignore (their) racism in society, none of the academic programs, anywhere in the world, mentions special classes on racism in the mass media. Finally, a practical proposal is made for a course on ethnic reporting in multicultural societies.

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Several scholars have argued that European countries have decided to cooperate on asylum and migration matters at the EU level in order to develop more restrictive policies. In particular, it has been argued that European states have ‘venue-shopped’ to a new policy-venue in order to escape national constraints. This paper puts this argument to the test by assessing the extent to which the development of EU cooperation on asylum matters has indeed led to the adoption of more restrictive asylum standards. The paper argues that, actually, EU asylum cooperation has led to an overall increase in protection standards for asylum-seekers and refugees. This outcome is explained by two main factors: the increasing ‘judicialisation’ of asylum in the EU and institutional changes in the EU asylum policy area that have strengthened the role of more ‘refugee-friendly’ institutions.

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Many theoretical dissertations have an unclear definition of diversity and when interpreting strategies of organizational diversity policies, theories often contradict each other. It is argued that this ambiguity and controversy can be diminished by basing theory on diversity and diversity policy more on qualitative structured descriptive empirical comparisons.This argument is elaborated in two steps. First, diversity is shown to be a social construction: dynamic and plural in nature, dependent on the social-historical context. Second, the common theoretical dichotomy between diversity policy as equal opportunities or as diversity management in shown to be possibly misleading; empirical studies indicate more practical differentiation in types of diversity policy, manifested in public and private organizations. As qualitative comparisons are rare, especially in the European context and especially among public organizations, this article calls for more contributions of this kind and provides an analytical framework to assist scholars in the field of diversity studies.

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This paper examines why mosque opposition has been more frequent in Catalonia than in other Spanish regions. A comparison is conducted between the metropolitan areas of Barcelona, where opposition has been most prevalent, and Madrid, where it has been strikingly absent. A relational approach is employed to highlight the factors in Barcelona that have complicated the reception of mosques and the populations they serve. These factors include pronounced socio-spatial divisions and a lack of confidence in the state's commitment to managing the challenges that accompany immigration. The prevalence of these factors in Barcelona has resulted in the integration of mosque debates into more general struggles over urban privilege and state recognition, explaining the high degree of opposition. These findings highlight the importance of studying conflicts related to religious and cultural diversification in context, as such conflicts are inextricably linked to the lived spaces and local structures in which they develop.

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The present paper is aimed at identifying what are the effects of the Point System of Selection of immigrants in Quebec. I defend that the distribution of points results in a different composition of immigrant stocks in terms of origin mix and not in terms of labour skills. To do so, I carry out a longitudinal descriptive analysis on the national composition of immigrants in Quebec and two other significant provinces (Ontario and British Columbia), as well as an analysis of the distribution of points in Quebec and in the rest of Canada.

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El objetivo de estas recomendaciones es ayudar a incrementar la calidad y la eficiencia de las distintas encuestas que sobre condiciones de trabajo y salud se realizan en España, haciendo más comparable la información obtenida en los diferentes territorios y a lo largo del tiempo.

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El objetivo del presente estudio es elaborar propuestas para la mejora delsistema preventivo, basadas en criterios profesionales, con la pretensión derealizar una aportación a la Estrategia Española en materia de Salud y Seguridaden el Trabajo desde el ámbito científico-técnico. Para ello se ha llevado a caboun proceso interactivo de consulta en dos etapas siguiendo el método Delphi, enel que han participado 181 profesionales. El cuestionario que se ha utilizadocontenía 82 propuestas, recopiladas a partir de grupos de expertos previamenteconstituidos. El objetivo estratégico que ha obtenido un mayor respaldo ha sidoel de fomentar el compromiso y la responsabilidad empresarial en materia deprevención. Las principales acciones de mejora acordadas se refieren aintervenciones sobre problemáticas de riesgo específicas como lasubcontratación, a mejoras en el conocimiento sobre las enfermedadesprofesionales y a la evaluación de la calidad de los servicios de prevención.

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Convocado por el Observatorio de Salud Laboral, se celebró un Taller deexpertos con un doble objetivo: 1) Presentar y debatir el informe “Subsistemascientífico-técnicos de apoyo a las políticas de salud y seguridad en el trabajo.Estudio comparativo de diferentes países”, elaborado por el OSL y que se publicacomo anexo a este documento. 2) Realizar recomendaciones para la mejora delsubsistema científico-técnico español en materia de salud y seguridad en eltrabajo.Asisten al citado Taller de Expertos 16 profesionales del sector. Elpresente documento recoge las recomendaciones consensuadas por dichosexpertos, que el Observatorio de Salud Laboral hace públicas en coherencia consu misión de difundir informaciones relevantes para la toma de decisiones enrelación con el sistema de salud y seguridad en el trabajo.