An examination of strategic opportunities provided by the conference committee procedure in the U.S. Congress

Deference to committees in Congress has been a much studied phenomena for close to 100 years. This deference can be characterized as the unwillingness of a potentially winning coalition on the House floor to impose its will on a small minority, a standing committee. The congressional scholar is then faced with two problems: observing such deference to committees, and explaining it. Shepsle and Weingast have proposed the existence of an ex-post veto for standing committees as an explanation of committee deference. They claim that as conference reports in the House and Senate are considered under a rule that does not allow amendments, the conferees enjoy agenda-setting power. In this paper I describe a test of such a hypothesis (along with competing hypotheses regarding the effects of the conference procedure). A random-utility model is utilized to estimate legislators' ideal points on appropriations bills from 1973 through 1980. I prove two things: 1) that committee deference can not be said to be a result of the conference procedure; and moreover 2) that committee deference does not appear to exist at all.

An Address of members of the House of Representatives of the Congress of the United States, to their constituents, on the subject of the war with Great Britain. --

Signed by George Sullivan and thirty-three other Federalist members.

Captain Lewis Warrington and others : memorial of Lewis Warrington, Captain in the U.S. Navy, (in behalf of himself and the officers and crew of the U.S. sloop-of-war Peacock); praying that the one half of the proceeds of the Epervier and goods which went into the officers and crew of said vessel, it having been decreed to them by the United States court as captors. April 26, 1848.--

Caption title.

El Acto Legislativo 01 de 2003. ¿Herramienta fallida para el fortalecimiento de los Partidos Políticos en Colombia?. Caso de estudio : Partido Social de Unidad Nacional - Partido de La U

La excesiva proliferación de partidos políticos y listas a las corporaciones públicas, permitidas por la debilidad normativa de la Constitución de 1991 y la suspicacia de los políticos colombianos, hizo necesaria una reforma política en el año 2003. Esta reforma, manifestada en el Acto Legislativo 01 de 2003, modificó el sistema electoral colombiano; los cambios más visibles modificaron la forma de conversión de votos en escaños, la forma de candidatura y modalidad del voto, y la creación una barrera legal. Estas modificaciones llevaron a la reagrupación de los partidos políticos, pero no necesariamente a su fortalecimiento, ya que no establece las herramientas necesarias para la transparencia y la democratización interna de los partidos, que conllevarían a su real institucionalización. El Partido Social de Unidad Nacional , partido de La U-, es creado después de la implementación de la reforma y consigue la mayor votación nacional en sus primeras elecciones. Pero, ¿lo convierte ese resultado electoral en un partido fuerte?.

La unidad del partido de la u proceso de fortalecimiento de los partidos políticos a partir de la reforma política de 2003, estudio de caso, partido social de unidad nacional, periodo 2005-2010

En el primer capítulo encontrará una reseña de la historia del Partido de la U desde su fundación hasta las elecciones presidenciales del 2010. En el Segundo y Tercero se revisan las limitaciones formales e informales que afectaron el Fortalecimiento del Partido y por último las conclusiones.

La dimensión transnacional del movimiento feminista marroquí: génesis, desarrollo e impacto social (1980-2008)

Esta monografía busca explicar cómo han incidido el contexto internacional y las relaciones transnacionales en el movimiento feminista de Marruecos. De este modo, este estudio defiende que las Conferencias Mundiales sobre la Mujer de la ONU crearon una estructura de oportunidad política que favoreció el surgimiento y el desarrollo de este movimiento. Asimismo, dicho contexto construyó un espacio para que las activistas feministas marroquíes crearan y se insertaran en Redes de Defensa Transnacional, las cuales contribuyeron a cambiar la condición de la mujer en Marruecos, a través de reformas a los Códigos de Familia y Nacionalidad y el levantamiento de las reservas a la CEDAW. Para esto se hará un estudio interdisciplinario haciendo uso de la teoría de los movimientos sociales y del activismo transnacional. Igualmente, se utilizará una metodología cualitativa, principalmente a través de las herramientas del análisis de contenido y el trabajo de campo de la autora.

Cracking the SAT. U.S. and World history subject tests.

Scholastic Aptitude Test (SAT) se trata de una prueba estandarizada usada frecuentemente para valorar los conocimientos adquiridos durante la enseñanza secundaria por los estudiantes que deseen acceder a una educación superior en EE.UU. Esta publicación proporciona la información y las estrategias necesarias para maximizar la puntuación de la prueba del SAT en historia. Enseña a pensar como los redactores de la prueba, y a practicar con la materia que se pondrá en el examen para poder estudiar con mayor eficacia. Se hace una revisión de las épocas históricas que van a aparecer en la prueba y facilita con explicaciones detalladas técnicas para aplicar los conocimientos aprendidos en resolver cuestiones específicas complicadas. Incluye cuatro ensayos prácticos con preguntas de opción múltiple de una hora de duración cada una: dos pruebas de historia de Estados Unidos desde la aprobación de la Constitución hasta la actualidad, y dos pruebas para historia universal.

The media, the social media and the elections

This chapter provides a snapshot of politicians and mainstreammedia’s engagement on social media platforms, particularly Twitter. The chapter, based on preliminary analysis, explores the extent to which some of the political parties relied on social media as a vehicle for their conversation with their followers, and the mainstream media’s opportunistic utilisation of this free-for-all information source to know what is happening on the ground. The chapter also points to a nexus between the politicians, mainstream media and social media during the 2014 General Election campaign in India.

Nature's choice? a study of the displacement of incumbents in elections

Como choques econômicos afetam eleições em democracias? Usando dados eleitorais do Congresso dos Estados Unidos, eu testo se choques adversos podem afetar desigualmente partidos incumbentes e oponentes. Esse efeito é identificado, entre vários procedimentos, por uma regressão em descontinuidade. Eu considero possibilidades teóricas para esse efeito, quando cidadãos não conseguem observar perfeitamente se a falta de bens públicos é devido a um choque adverso, ou a consumo privado do político. Quando o choque é observável, não há efeito; enquanto se não fosse, haveria. As evidências empíricas são consistentes com a teoria.

A Review of the Brazilian NBR 15575 Standard: Applying the Simulation and Simplified Methods for Evaluating a Social House Thermal Performance

The new Brazilian ABNT NBR 15575 Standard (the ―Standard‖) recommends two methods for analyzing housing thermal performance: a simplified and a computational simulation method. The aim of this paper is to evaluate both methods and the coherence between each. For this, the thermal performance of a low-cost single-family house was evaluated through the application of the procedures prescribed by the Standard. To accomplish this study, the EnergyPlus software was selected. Comparative analyses of the house with varying envelope U-values and solar absorptance of external walls were performed in order to evaluate the influence of these parameters on the results. The results have shown limitations in the current Standard computational simulation method, due to different aspects: weather files, lack of consideration of passive strategies, and inconsistency with the simplified method. Therefore, this research indicates that there are some aspects to be improved in this Standard, so it could better represent the real thermal performance of social housing in Brazil.

Splitsville: A Study of Income Inequality and Political Polarization in the United States House of Representatives

The study compares a measure of income inequality with polarization scores of U.S. Representatives from the 104th to the 109th Congresses. It attempts to explain the link, on the abstract level, between high inequality and high polarization. The end findings indicate that inequality increases a Representative's likelihood to act liberally.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 23 - Korrespondenzen u.a. mit Gertrud Isch (p. I 12, 1-175)

3 Briefe zwischen R. Imelmann und Max Horkheimer, 20.07.1934, 1934; 2 Briefe vom Institute of International Education New York an Max Horkheimer, 1939-1940; 1 Brief vom Instytut Spraw Spolecznych Warschau an Max Horkheimer, 28.12.1935; 2 Briefe vom International House New York an Max Horkheimer, 1939; 11 Briefe zwischen dem Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Amsterdam, 1937-1938; 2 Rundschreiben der International Labour Office Genf, 1940; 2 Briefe von Max Horkheimer an die International Relief Association New York, 1940; 2 Briefe der International Science New York an Max Horkheimer, 1941-1942; 1 Rundbrief und Beilage des International Student Service Genf, 01.03.1934; 3 Briefe und Beilage zwischen Harry Isay und Max Horkheimer, 1941, 13.10.1941; 1 Brief von Max Horkheimer an Elsa Hirschberg, 09.03.1942; 52 Briefe zwischen Gertrude Isch und Max Horkheimer, 1934-1946; 10 Briefe zwischen Karl Israelski und Max Horkheimer, 1937-1938;

The medical malpractice insurance "crises" and federal medical malpractice tort reform: Collection and analysis of bills passed by the United States House of Representatives from 1995--2005

There have been three medical malpractice insurance "crises" in the United States over a time spanning roughly the past three decades (Poisson, 2004, p. 759-760). Each crisis is characterized by a number of common features, including rapidly increasing medical malpractice insurance premiums, cancellation of existing insurance policies, and a decreased willingness of insurers to offer or renew medical malpractice insurance policies (Poisson, 2004, p. 759-760). Given the recurrent "crises," many sources argue that medical malpractice insurance coverage has become too expensive a commodity—one that many physicians simply cannot afford (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services [HHS], 2002, p. 1-2; Physician Insurers Association of America [PIAA], 2003, p. 1; Jackiw, 2004, p. 506; Glassman, 2004, p. 417; Padget, 2003, p. 216). ^ The prohibitively high cost of medical liability insurance is said to limit the geographical areas and medical specializations in which physicians are willing to practice. As a result, the high costs of medical liability insurance are ultimately said to affect whether or not people have access to health care services. ^ In an effort to control the medical liability insurance crises—and to preserve or restore peoples' access to health care—every state in the United States has passed "at least some laws designed to reduce medical malpractice premium rates" (GAO, 2003, p.5-6). More recently, however, the United States has witnessed a push to implement federal reform of the medical malpractice tort system. Accordingly, this project focuses on federal medical malpractice tort reform. This project was designed to investigate the following specific question: Do the federal medical malpractice tort reform bills which passed in the House of Representatives between 1995 and 2005 differ in respect to their principle features? To answer this question, the text of the bills, law review articles, and reports from government and private agencies were analyzed. Further, a matrix was compiled to concisely summarize the principle features of the proposed federal medical malpractice tort reform bills. Insight gleaned from this investigation and matrix compilation informs discussion about the potential ramifications of enacting federal medical malpractice tort reform legislation. ^

El proceso electoral de 1917 en la provincia de Buenos Aires y el triunfo de la U.C.R.

El 24 de abril de 1917 se dictó el decreto de intervención federal a la provincia de Buenos Aires. Producido este hecho, las diversas fuerzas políticas se prepararon para participar en las elecciones de gobernador y legisladores que habrían de realizarse en marzo de 1918, pero fue en el radicalismo donde el proceso habría de ser realmente complicado. Arribada la UCR al poder a través de la intervención y con claras perspectivas de llegar al gobierno, rápidamente se pudo contemplar que, dentro de la misma y sin llegar a la ruptura, se formaron dos líneas claramente contrapuestas que se denominaron provincialistas, origen en parte del antipersonalismo provincial, y los metropolitanos. Luego de un arduo proceso, con activa participación de Yrigoyen, se llegó a dar consenso a la fórmula Crotto-Monteverde, que habría de imponerse sobre los conservadores y socialistas, pero que dejó abierto el camino para las fuertes luchas intrapartidarias del radicalismo