315 resultados para Romanian


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Objetivo: La población inmigrante presenta dificultades específicas para acceder a ella. Este estudio describe y evalúa la experiencia de re-contacto (muestra final) con trabajadores inmigrantes que participaron en una encuesta tres años antes (muestra inicial), compara ambas muestras y describe la muestra final. Métodos: En 2008 se realizó una encuesta presencial a 2.434 trabajadores inmigrantes (proyecto ITSAL I). 1.229 dejaron un número telefónico para ser re-contactados. En 2011 se los llamó para encuestarlos nuevamente (proyecto ITSAL II). Se calcularon indicadores de resultados de contacto (American Association Public Opinion Research). Se compararon las características sociodemográficas y laborales de los trabajadores de las muestras inicial y final. En la muestra final se compararon las distribuciones de variables sociodemográficas y laborales según país de origen. Se analizaron los cambios de situación legal, sector de actividad y ocupación en este intervalo. Resultados: La proporción de entrevistados que contestaron la segunda entrevista (tasa de respuesta) fue 29,5%. La muestra final (n=318) contó con mayor participación de ecuatorianos, mujeres, mayores de 45 años y con personas mayor nivel de estudios. Rumanos y marroquíes presentan mayor desempleo (45,1%, 40,0%). El 71,1% no cambió de sector de actividad y el 63,2% mejoró su situación legal. Conclusiones: La tasa de respuesta fue similar a la obtenida en otros estudios de estas características. El re-contacto fue más difícil en algunos grupos determinados por país de origen, edad, nivel de estudios y situación legal, para los que habría que buscar vías alternativas para su seguimiento.

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Background: Intimate partner violence (IPV) against women occurs in all countries, all cultures and at every level of society; however, some populations may be at greater risk than others. The aim of this study was to explore IPV prevalence among Ecuadorian, Moroccan and Romanian immigrant women living in Spain and its possible association with their personal, family, social support and immigration status characteristics. Methods: Cross-sectional study of 1607 adult immigrant women residing in Barcelona, Madrid and Valencia (2011). Prevalence rates and adjusted odds ratios (AORs) were calculated, with current IPV being the outcome. Different women’s personal (demographic), family, social support and immigration status characteristics were considered as explicative and control variables. All analyses were separated by women’s country of origin. Results: Current IPV prevalence was 15.57% in Ecuadorians, 10.91% in Moroccans and 8.58% in Romanians. Some common IPV factors were found, such as being separated and/or divorced. In Romanians, IPV was also associated with lack of social support [AOR 5.96 (1.39–25.62)] and low religious involvement [AOR 2.17 (1.06–4.43)]. The likelihood of current IPV was lower among women without children or other dependants in this subgroup [AOR 0.29 (0.093–0.92)]. Conclusion: The IPV prevalence rates obtained for Moroccan, Romanian and Ecuadorian women residing in Spain were similar. Whereas the likelihood of IPV appeared to be relatively evenly distributed among Moroccan and Ecuadorian women, it was higher among Romanian women in socially vulnerable situations related to family responsibilities and the lack of support networks. The importance of intervention in the process of separation and divorce was common to all women.

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In this paper, we describe our experience of using the Putting Women First protocol in the design and implementation of a cross-sectional study on violence against women (VAW) among 1607 immigrant women from Morocco, Ecuador and Romania living in Spain in 2011. The Putting Women First protocol is an ethical guideline for VAW research, which includes recommendations to ensure the safety of the women involved in studies on this subject. The response rate in this study was 59.3%. The prevalence of VAW cases last year was 11.7%, of which 15.6% corresponded to Ecuadorian women, 10.9% to Moroccan women and 8.6% to Romanian women. We consider that the most important goal for future research is the use of VAW scales validated in different languages, which would help to overcome the language barriers encountered in this study.

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Introducción: Existe una estimable probabilidad de cobertura vacunal insuficiente entre la población inmigrante. Los estudios realizados se centran en población infantil. Este trabajo explora la opinión y conocimientos sobre vacunas, así como la cobertura vacunal autodeclarada en población adulta inmigrante en edad laboral. Métodos: Estudio transversal basado en un cuestionario específico dirigido a inmigrantes entre 18-65 años residentes en la provincia de Alicante. Se realizó mediante entrevista personal a una muestra de 692 individuos entre febrero y abril de 2010. Resultados: Del total de encuestados, un 56,6% son mujeres, el 90,8% reside en España desde hace menos de 10 años y un 88,7% dispone de tarjeta sanitaria. Las comunidades rumanas y marroquíes son las que menos confianza muestran hacia las vacunas. Las más conocidas son las del tétanos (65,8%), la gripe (56,8%) y la hepatitis B (56,2%); a su vez, las más administradas son las del tétanos y la hepatitis B (entre los marroquíes), y la antigripal (entre los europeos). El colectivo marroquí es el peor vacunado en su país de origen y el que más vacunas ha recibido en España (1,3 vacunas/persona). Un 46,7% refiere haber sido inmunizado alguna vez en España, aconsejados principalmente en su centro de salud o el lugar de trabajo. Un 13,3% del colectivo rumano y un 4,7% del ecuatoriano declararon haber tenido alguna dificultad para ser vacunados. Conclusiones: Aunque existe una opinión general favorable hacia las vacunas, algunas nacionalidades muestran cierta indiferencia o desapego. El estado vacunal y la predisposición a vacunarse difiere entre nacionalidades. Sería muy conveniente reforzar la tarea realizada por los equipos de atención primaria y aprovechar las ocasiones que representa la visita a un centro sanitario para ampliar la cobertura vacunal del colectivo de inmigrantes adultos.

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Despite the ultimatum delivered in October 2010 to the French government by Viviane Reding, Vice-President of the European Commission, to adapt its national immigration law ‘to the letter’ of the Citizens Directive 2004/38, the country has continued to evict and expel Romanian and Bulgarian nationals of Roma origin. This paper examines the state of affairs with respect to France’s policy on eviction and expulsion of Roma and assesses the way in which the controversy has developed and can be understood from the perspective of citizenship of the EU. On the basis of an examination of the subsequent responses by the European Commission and the EU member states involved, as well as of a recent bilateral agreement concluded between France and Romania on the reintegration of families of Romanian citizens belonging to the Roma minority who have exercised their freedom to move, the paper suggests that there has been a paradigm shift in the priorities driving EU policy responses and politics. This shift has led to an ethnicisation of citizenship of the Union, where ethnicity increasingly plays a decisive role in the allocation and attribution of responsibility to secure and safeguard the union freedoms.

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This Commentary briefly examines each of Prime Minister Cameron's headline proposals to limit EU citizens’ access to social benefits. Are these proposals in breach of the UK’s obligations under EU law? The paper also makes some general comments about the end of the transitional arrangements for Bulgarian and Romanian work-seekers, and ‘benefits tourism’ in general.

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The decision passed by the International Court of Justice in The Hague in February 2009, which finally determined the status of the Snake Island and the delimitation of the borders of Ukraine’s and Romania’s exclusive economic zones on the Black Sea’s continental shelf removed the major dispute from the agenda of relations between the two countries but it failed to reduce their mutual distrust. The sources of this distrust include the difficult history of Ukrainian-Romanian relations in the 20th century which is still adversely affecting political and economic co-operation between these two countries and preventing them from being free from resentments. Romania is the only EU member state and neighbour with which Ukraine has strained relations, which have been seriously deadlocked for years. There are a few political and economic reasons for this. Bucharest’s actions taken with regard to the Romanian and Moldovan national minorities in Ukraine are interpreted in Kyiv as a threat to Ukraine’s national security, and Romania’s political and economic activity in the Black Sea basin is perceived as contrary to Ukrainian interests in this region. In effect, although Romania supports Ukraine’s efforts to build closer relations with the Western structures in the international arena, it cannot be ruled out that Romania’s support will depend on the resolution of bilateral disputes in a way which is favourable to Romania.

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Since taking power in 2009, the Alliance for European Integration (AIE) has been trying to end Moldova’s dependence on Russian gas. Currently, natural gas accounts for about 50% of the country’s energy balance (excluding Transnistria), and Gazprom has a monopoly on the supply of gas to the republic. The key element of Chișinău’s diversification project is the construction of the Iasi-Ungheni pipeline, which is designed to link the Moldovan and Romanian gas transmission networks, and consequently make it possible for Moldova to purchase gas from countries other than Russia. Despite significant delays, construction work on the interconnector began in August 2013. The Moldovan government sees ensuring energy independence from Russia as its top priority. The significance and urgency of the project reflect Chișinău’s frustration at Moscow’s continued attempts to use its monopoly of Moldova’s energy sector to exert political pressure on the republic. Nonetheless, despite numerous declarations by Moldovan and Romanian politicians, the Iasi- -Ungheni pipeline will not end Moldova’s dependence on Russian gas before the end of the current decade. This timeframe is unrealistic for two reasons: first, because an additional gas pipeline from Ungheni to Chisinau and a compression station must be constructed, which will take at least five years and will require significant investment; and second, because of the unrelenting opposition to the project coming from Gazprom, which currently controls Moldova’s pipelines and will likely try to torpedo any energy diversification attempts. Independence from Russian gas will only be possible after the the Gazprom-controlled Moldova-GAZ, the operator of the Moldovan transmission network and the country’s importer of natural gas, is divided. The division of the company has in fact been envisaged in the EU’s Third Energy Package, which is meant to be implemented by Moldova in 2020.

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Kazakhstan’s Prime Minister, Karim Massimov, once referred to energy cooperation as the ‘core’ of relations between his country and the European Union (EU). Indeed, there is great mutual interest in this area. Six percent of the EU’s crude oil imports and 16 percent of its uranium imports come from Kazakhstan. And around 80 percent of the latter’s oil exports go towards Europe. For Kazakhstani producers, access to European lucrative and reliable markets is of utmost importance. Over the last several years, the thrust of Kazakhstan’s foreign policy was aimed at increasing the capacity of the Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC) that pumps Kazakhstani oil to Europe. Moreover, Kazmunaigaz’s (KMG) – the national oil and gas company – major external investment was in the Romanian oil company Rompetrol.

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Foods rich in adenine and hypoxanthine may contribute to the increase of uricemia. Hyperuricemia is associated with other pathological conditions pertaining to metabolic syndrome. Objective: the assessement of the impact of fiber rich diet on uricemia in patients with metabolic syndrome. Methods: the study involved 46 male patients with metabolic syndrome who claimed to have reduced mobility in fingers, hypertension, obesity, hyperglycemia and hyperuricemia. A validated questionnaire about dietary habits was applied at the beginning of the study and after 6 weeks of fiber-rich diet by eliminating from patients diet preparations of animal food and increased intake of vegetable foods. Blood presure, body mass index, blood glucose and uric acids were measured at the beginning of the study and after 6 weeks of fiber rich diet by daily consumption of 2 servings of added grains - 60g totally and vegetables 200g, fruits 300g respectively. Results: The study shows that at baseline all patients had an inadequate dietary intake of dietary fiber, 28.5 ± 2.2 g/day instead of 38 g per day.The increase in fiber intake of 10 ± 5 g/day was associated with a decrease of serum uric acid by 69.87% from 8.3  0.6 mg/dL to 5.8  0.5 mg/dL, p = 0.008, non-significant decrease of BMI (from 26.8  4.5 to 26.4  4.6 kg/m2, p<0.01), significant decrease of glycemia (from 130  0.8 to 105  4.2mg/dL, p <0.001) and significant decrease in blood pressure (from 150  10.6 to 130  8.4 mmHg, p <0.001). Conclusion: The fiber rich diet decreased blood uric acid, blood glucose levels an arterial pressure in patients with metabolic syndrome.

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"Quellen und abkürzungen": p. 70.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Editors: Nicolae Iorga, G.Murgoci, V. Parvan.

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Includes indexes.

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Programm des Evangelisches untergymnasiums ... Mühlbach. 1861-62.