802 resultados para Public Opinion
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Recent statistical data confirms that domestic violence is a structural problem of exceptional gravity. We analyze the frequent legislative changes in Brazil since 2000 as a result of social pressure for protection of abused women. Only the Law 11.340 of 2006 was well received by lawyers, judges and the public opinion. We present the innovations and peculiarities of this statute and the allegations on unconstitutionality. We discuss cases of judicial review of this law and reject the arguments of unconstitutionality. That notwithstanding, we argue that penalization decisions is the wrong way from a criminological point of view because they do not take into consideration the desires and needs of the victims.
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The paper provides a close lecture of the arguments and methods of legal construction, employed in the extensive individual opinions written by the Justices of the Brazilian Supreme Court in the case which authorized the same sex civil union. After tracing an outline of the legal problem and his possible solutions, we analyze the individual opinions, showing their methodological syncretism, the use of legal methods and arguments in a contradictory way as well the deficiencies in the reasoning. The Justices use legal arguments, but do not meet the requirements of rationality in the decision-making. We have a rhetorical attempt that aims to satisfy the public opinion than to offer a comprehensive and coherent solution according the normative elements of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1988.
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As taxas de juros cobradas pelos bancos têm sido alvo constante de críticas por parte da opinião pública e de preocupação por parte do governo. Uma das razões para essas altas taxas, além do nível elevado da taxa básica de juros SELIC, são os altos spreads cobrados pelos bancos. Uma das formas para tentar diminuir esse nível é aumentar a competitividade entre os bancos. Entretanto, uma suposta dificuldade para se atingir um maior nível de competição é o grau de concentração bancária existente hoje no Brasil. Nesse sentido, o governo brasileiro pressionou o mercado bancário para reduzir seus spreads e taxas durante o primeiro semestre de 2012, um período de aparente estabilidade macroeconômica e de forte queda da taxa SELIC. A pressão exercida pelo governo surtiu efeito, inicialmente sobre os bancos públicos, e, posteriormente, sobre os bancos privados, que anunciaram publicamente a redução de taxas para diversas operações. Este trabalho buscou entender as dimensões e origens dos efeitos desse posicionamento do governo sobre os spreads e a rentabilidade dos maiores bancos brasileiros. Como resultado, observou-se a efetividade da atuação governamental na redução do spread ex post, da rentabilidade das operações de crédito (proxy da taxa) e da rentabilidade geral dos bancos públicos e privados. Apesar disso, houve recuo por parte dos bancos privados na concessão de crédito apontando para o poder de mercado dessas instituições e levantando dúvidas sobre a real capacidade da utilização dos bancos públicos para fomentar maior competitividade em um ambiente de incerteza econômica.
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The theme of civil society has resonated significantly in the analysis of social science studies and has long been the center of public opinion, applied to a vast range of contexts, significances and political ideological connotations. Starting with such an unstable theoretical scenario, our research proposal scrutinized two civil society analysis traditions. Embodied by Antonio Gramsci and Jürgen Habermas, these politically conceptual differences are significantly divided into distinct interpretations of the relationship between the state and civil society. On one side, in Gramsci's work, we observe civil society as historically constituted through "molecular expansion of the state", organizing itself during its obligatory constitutive moment. On the other, Habermas shows us a civil society instituted from the structural differentiation process of society developed due to the contradiction existing between the different ways the state administration is organized, the economy and daily social interaction (in which it is found). As a consequence, civil society is no longer seen as a political arena and the hegemonic catalyst of the state, but as a social arrangement destined to increase the viability of the ethical and dialogical reconstruction of social life. It follows that the understanding of the distinctions between both models of civil society become crucial in the measure that they are divided in relation to the delineation of acting agents, fighting strategies, and to the objective of their actions.Despite the existence of analytical dissonance, we intend to outline the common points between both these civil society analysis traditions whose conflicting political action models lead us to a greater understanding of our contemporary political scene. This will be done starting with the systematization of both selected authors' principal categories, and through the introduction of the "contra-hegemonic public sphere" concept
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The research aimed to study the emergence, role, and the possibilities of environmental movements in Sergipe, running through an analysis of the period between 1983 and 2011. This goal has been guided by the core issue of research, which was to analyze the relationship between the mission, structure and action of environmental organizations in Sergipe. The research arose from the need to map and critically evaluate the environmental movement in Sergipe. The methodological procedures focused on the literature search, survey papers in Sergipe a time gap of 28 years, detailed analysis of nine "movements" and selected in-depth interviews, semi-structured interviews with dozens of social actors involved in the area. In conclusion, we observed that environmentalism in Sergipe, from its inception, was associated with recovery of consciousness regarding the environment, to combat local problems of degradation, and the search for legitimacy of public opinion. Although the environmental movement have been, at times, the attention of mass media, the movement failed to leave the niche and achieve a more representative portion of society. You can still see the deep relationship between the profile of environmental leaders, capital strength and the practical results of the environmental actions and finally, it was observed that the action of the movements has much stronger bond with the relationship of the organization and its main leaders with the other "environmentalist," than with the structure and mission of the institution
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Este artigo trata da configuração de uma rede intelectual de dimensão internacional que uniu a América Latina e a Península Ibérica, a partir de meados do século XIX. Objetivamos analisar o papel dos intelectuais e órgãos de imprensa na formação dessa rede e discutir suas idéias e projetos, à luz do contexto político e do debate cultural. Consideramos que a ação dos intelectuais e da imprensa contribuiu para a configuração de um espaço singular de circulação de idéias e de formação de uma opinião pública ibero-americana.
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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)
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Pretendemos mostrar um aspecto pelo qual a leitura que Habermas faz de Rousseau, em Mudança estrutural da esfera pública (1962), é levemente revisada em Direito e democracia (1992). Essa pequena mudança, por sua vez, reestrutura toda a concepção habermasiana da política de Rousseau.
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The International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources (IUCN) and the World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF) advocates an increase of the number of botanical gardens throughout the world as one of the measures that can help to preserve the world's biodiversity. To implement this strategy, the present work brings forward a suggestion particularly suited to tropical regions: establishing municipal botanical gardens. It refers to the experience of a newly opened municipal botanical garden in Brazil, comparing its attractive power on visitors to that of other botanical gardens included in the Brazilian network of Botanical Gardens. It also presents considerations on in situ conservation in small remnants and on the importance of urban reserves to preserve the regional biodiversity and spread the conservationist philosophy. The present proposal promotes the participation of local communities making the public opinion more aware and active, besides being able to counterbalance proposals that support protecting the world biodiversity through interventionist actions. It assumes that, through actions planned and coordinated by regional and national botanical garden networks, the measure proposed can mitigate the anthropic actions exerted on important natural reserves all over the world.
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Using data collected in nine countries - Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Czech Republic, Poland, Russian Federation, Finland, Germany and the USA - through the World Values Survey, the article analyses the validity of four variables with a supposed potential to evaluate the legitimacy level of the private sector vis-à-vis the public sector. This analysis in undertaken in the context of the discussions on the future of market reforms that were implemented in several countries in the past 20 years. The investigation adopted a two level strategy: first, the aggregated frequencies for the nine countries were analyzed, followed by a bivariate analysis aimed at verifying the internal consistency of the variables. The article concludes that the four variables under consideration do not compose a valid dimension capable of assessing the legitimacy of the public sector versus the private sector.
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The affirmative action issue has split the public opinion and heated up the academic debate. While some experts and black activists see the affirmatives actions as a way to fight racism, since the positive discrimination could help the historically underprivileged to create and empower a positive identity, others see such measures as a dangerous attack against the traditional brazilian way of dealing with human differences. The latter fear that such policies may unleash racial conflicts. Although both sides barely explain what they mean for racism and how they understand that social phenomenon, it is possible to discern in those discourses different lines of argument, which can be related to different theoretical orientations about the analysis of such concepts as race and color.
Studying the satisfaction of patients on the outcome of an aesthetic dermatological filler treatment
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Background: Many factors contribute to extend productive life in the modern world. Competition makes people worry about physical appearance, mosftly in respect to facial and skin aging. This has motivated new developments in cosmetic dermatology and the need of evaluating patient satisfaction with the new proposed treatments. Poll questionnaire has been used for such evaluation, and the analysis of the electroencephalogram (EEG) mapping obtained while the patient answers the satisfaction questionnaire may render the results less subjective. Objectives: The purpose of this paper is to study the satisfaction of a group of 33 women (mean age, 44.years) treated with hyaluronic acid filling of nasolabial folding or lips, combining the EEG brain mapping and questionnaire techniques. Methods: At the third month of evaluation, two networked personal computers were used for the EEG recording and for presenting the patient with a questionnaire about her well-being feeling; self-evaluation of her face; her satisfaction with the results of the aesthetic treatment; how the family, friends, and people at work evaluated the result of the treatment; and her decision to repeat the treatment and to recommend it to friends and family. Results: Poll results showed that patients were feeling well and were satisfied with the results of the aesthetic treatment. Furthermore, the regression EEG mappings showed patients to be satisfied with their appearance and with the treatment involving similar brain areas. Conclusion: Patients decided to undergo the treatment because they were already considering it (54%) or because they were dissatisfied with their lips or nasolabial folding (52%). The fact that the treatment was free of charge solidified the decision. Patients consider themselves as good-looking and they wanted to preserve such a condition. © 2008 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
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Spanish document available at the Library
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Objective: The objective of this study was to assess the opinions of the Brazilian population about incentives for oocyte donation. Methods: A cross-sectional descriptive approach was used to consult the Brazilian public. The data collection involved the use of a structured questionnaire about legal and ethical issues surrounding oocyte donation. Individuals were randomly selected from the general population using different e-mail lists. Potential participants were contacted by e-mail and invited to participate in the study by completing an online web survey. Results: A total of 1,565 people completed the survey, including 1,284 women(82%) and 281 men(18%). Among the respondents, 1,309(83.6%) were university graduates, 1,033(66%) had a personal income ≥1,250 US dollars/month, 1,346(86%) considered themselves to be religious and 518 (33.1%) were health professionals. While many participants believed that women may donate their oocytes for altruistic reasons, the majority believed that a lack of oocyte donations is due to the prohibition of payments(64.3%) and that incentives would facilitate the decision to donate oocytes(84.7%). The majority of the participants(65.3%) agreed that a financial incentive(i.e., paying the donor) would be the most practical solution for increasing the number of oocyte donations. These results tended to be independent of gender, age, income, religion, education level and profession. Conclusion: While the Brazilian Federal Council of Medicine prohibits payments for oocyte donation, the majority of study participants had no objection to compensating oocyte donors. Moreover, most of the participants agreed that a financial incentive is the most practical solution to increasing the number of oocyte donations.