297 resultados para Prohibition


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Discussions conducted by George Grafton Wilson.

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English edition published, London 1910, under title: Problems of today from the point of view of a psychologist.

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A man labelled "Laxity" in the prosecutor's office sleeps through a blizzard of complaints about blind pigs and other prohibition violations

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verso: Things reached a fever pitch in 1915 as the Wolverine Paved Way was nearing completion. A brick road from Detroit to Lansing would be finished and the town's main street would finally be paved. In this photograph autos had started from Lansing and picked up others in all the small towns on the way to Howell for the big celebration. As you can see, they didn't worry about parking. They stopped their cars in the street and left them. Before Prohibition, Howell was known as the fun city of Southern Michigan, and there is said to have been 13 bars in the main four blocks of town. All the travelling men made it a point to stay over in Howell whenever possible. It was said that you could not fall down on the main street of town without falling into the doorway of a bar. This probably explains the empty cars after a long dusty trip. Notice, too, that about half the cars are still right hand drive.

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"On the 7th day of April 1924, in the U.S. District court, at Covington, Ky. ... an indictment was returned and filed against me alleging a 'conspiracy to violate the Prohibition act.'"--p. 15.

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Is it ever justifiable to target non-combatants deliberately? This article assesses Michael Walzer's claim that the deliberate targeting of non-combatants may be justifiable during 'supreme emergencies', a view that has received some support but that has elicited little debate. It argues that the supreme emergencies exception to the prohibition on targeting non-combatants is problematic for at least four reasons. First, its utilitarianism contradicts Walzer's wider ethics of war based on a conception of human rights. Second, the exception may undermine the principle of non-combatant immunity. Third, it is based on a historical fallacy. Finally, it is predicated on a strategic fallacy-the idea that killing noncombatants can win wars. The case for rejecting the exception, however, has been opposed by those who persuasively argue that it is wrong to tie leaders' hands when they confront supreme emergencies. The final part of the article addresses this question and suggests that the principle of proportionality may give political leaders room for manoeuvre in supreme emergencies without permitting them deliberately to target non-combatants.

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Is the use of torture ever justified? This article argues that torture cannot be justified, even in so called ticking bomb cases, but that in such extreme situations it may be necessary. In those situations, judgements about whether the use of torture is legitimate must balance the imminence and gravity of the threat with the need to prevent future occurrences of torture and maintain a normative environment that is hostile to its use. The article begins by observing that the use of torture and/or cruel and degrading treatment has become a core component of the global war on terror. It tests the claim that the use of coercive interrogation techniques does not constitute torture, showing that similar arguments were levelled by both the British and French governments in relation to Northern Ireland and Algeria respectively and found wanting. It then evaluates and rejects Dershowitz's claim for the legalization of torture and the more limited claim that torture may be permissible in ticking bomb scenarios. In the final section, the article questions how we might maintain the prohibition on torture while acknowledging that it may be necessary in some hypothetical cases.

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Esta pesquisa busca abordar e analisar os caminhos da mídia televisiva nas igrejas Assembleias de Deus no Brasil, aqui trabalhadas no plural devido às muitas ramificações da denominação, em suas construções das representações simbólicas, imaginárias, culturais e midiáticas. O objetivo é analisar a dimensão simbólica na proibição do uso da televisão na denominação religiosa em questão, e os argumentos para o veto entre os fiéis, a discreta aceitabilidade da TV diante das novas concepções teológicas das ADs ao longo dos anos, investimento em canal aberto (Rede Boas Novas de Televisão) e proposta de um programa televisivo como marca midiática da denominação (Programa Movimento Pentecostal). Para viabilidade desse trabalho, a metodologia adotada consiste em pesquisa bibliográfica histórica, com foco nos temas fundamentais para o desenvolvimento das pesquisas do imaginário, identidade, cultura, nação e televisão, aliada à pesquisa documental, que tem como meta os registros históricos, que melhor elucidarão os caminhos e a ligação da TV com as Assembleias de Deus.

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A presente dissertação analisa como o Partido Social Cristão (PSC), ao longo do tempo, se apropriou da identidade religiosa de seus atores políticos que na sua maioria são membros da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica, os quais defendem no espaço público a “família tradicional”, em detrimento da pluralidade de arranjos familiares na contemporaneidade. Para explicitar o objeto - “família tradicional” e PSC -, foi necessário retroceder no tempo e investigar na historiografia os primórdios da inserção dos evangélicos na política brasileira. Em vista disso, analisamos a participação dos evangélicos nos respectivos períodos do Brasil: Colônia, Império e República. A dificuldade da entrada de evangélicos na política partidária, dentre outros fatores, se deve àinfluência do catolicismo no Estado. Assim sendo, averiguamos em todas as Constituições (1824, 1891, 1934, 1937, 1946, 1967, 1969 e 1988) o que a mesma diz no que tange a proibição e a liberdade religiosa no país. Logo, verificamos entre as Eras Vargas e República Populista, que ocorreu com intensidade a transição do apoliticismo para o politicismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, porém, eles não recebiam o apoio formal de suas igrejas. Em seguida, a participação dos evangélicos na arena política durante a ditadura militar foi investigada com destaque para o posicionamento de vanguarda da IECLB, através do Manifesto de Curitiba e, também com a presença de parlamentares evangélicos no Congresso Nacional. A politização pentecostal é ressaltada em nosso trabalho, através do pioneirismo de Manoel de Mello e, depois na Redemocratização quando as instituições evangélicas se organizaram para eleger seus candidatos à Assembleia Nacional Constituinte. E, com o fim do regime militar, o PSC surge como partido “nanico”, contudo, deixa o anonimato e ganha visibilidade midiática quando o pastor e deputado, Marco Feliciano, assume a presidência da Comissão de Direitos Humanos e Minorias, em 2013. Esse é o pano de fundo histórico que projetou o PSC e seus atores no pleito de 2014 com o mote “família tradicional”.

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Government regulation of industrial hazards is examined in the context of the economic and technical processes of industrial development. Technical problems and costs of control are considered as factors in both the formation and impact of regulation. This thesis focuses on an historical case-study of the regulation of the hazard to painting workers from the use of lead pigments in paint. A regulatory strategy based on the prohibition of lead paints gained initial acceptance within the British state in 1911, but was subsequently rejected in favour of a strategy that allowed continued use of lead paint subject to hygiene precautions. The development of paint technology and its determinants, including concern about health hazards, are analysed, focusing on the innovation and diffusion into the paint industry of the major white pigments: white lead (PbC03 .PB(OH)2)and its substitutes. The process of regulatory development is examined, and the protracted and polarised regulatory d~bate contrasted to the prevailing 'consensual' methods of workplace regulation. The rejection of prohibition is analysed in terms of the different political and technical resources of those groups in conflict over this policy. This highlights the problems of consensus formation around such a strategy, and demonstrates certain constraints on state regulatory activity, particularly regarding industrial development. Member-states of the International Labour Organisation agreed to introduce partial prohibition of lead paint in 1921. Whether this was implemented is related to the economic importance of lead and non-lead metal and pigment industries to a nation. An analysis is made of the control of lead poisoning. The rate of control is related to the economic and technological trajectory of the regulated industry. Technical and organisational characteristics are considered as well as regulatory factors which range from voluntary compliance and informal pressures to direct legal requirements. The implications of this case-study for the analysis of the development and impacts of regulation are assessed.