'Reform' of the British national health service after the election of a labour government: Understanding the policy development process

The policy development process leading to the Labour government's white paper of December 1997—The new NHS: Modern, Dependable—is the focus of this project and the public policy development literature is used to aid in the understanding of this process. Policy makers who had been involved in the development of the white paper were interviewed in order to acquire a thorough understanding of who was involved in this process and how they produced the white paper. A theoretical framework is used that sorts policy development models into those that focus on knowledge and experience, and those which focus on politics and influence. This framework is central to understanding the evidence gathered from the individuals and associations that participated in this policy development process. The main research question to be asked in this project is to what extent do either of these sets of policy development models aid in understanding and explicating the process by which the Labour government's policies were developed. The interview evidence, along with published evidence, show that a clear pattern of policy change emerged from this policy development process, and the Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence policy making models both assist in understanding this process. The early stages of the policy development process were characterized as hierarchical and iterative, yet also very collaborative among those participating, with knowledge and experience being quite prevalent. At every point in the process, however, informal networks of political influence were used and noted to be quite prevalent by all of the individuals interviewed. The later stages of the process then became increasingly noninclusive, with decisions made by a select group of internal and external policy makers. These policy making models became an important tool with which to understand the policy development process. This Knowledge-Experience and Politics-Influence dichotomy of policy development models could therefore be useful in analyzing other types of policy development. ^

Recognizing a Single-Issue Spatial Election

A single-issue spatial election is a voter preference profile derived from an arrangement of candidates and voters on a line, with each voter preferring the nearer of each pair of candidates. We provide a polynomial-time algorithm that determines whether a given preference profile is a single-issue spatial election and, if so, constructs such an election. This result also has preference representation and mechanism design applications.

Criteria of election of postgraduate courses in graduated students of technological/ humanistic/ artistic professions : Subjective and contextual involvements to arrive at the conclusion of them

El aumento en la cantidad de estudios de posgrado y de sus cursantes derivados de la demanda por mayores credenciales académicas en lo laboral y por la búsqueda personal para especializarse profesionalmente, es un fenómeno observado en Argentina desde mediados de los años 90. Obtener el título final de estos estudios resulta un porcentaje muy inferior en relación al número de sus inscriptos. Tales motivos focalizaron nuestra atención para analizar tanto los criterios de elección del posgrado como las condiciones contextuales y subjetivas para alcanzar la titulación. Este estudio, de tipo cualitativo, investiga en tres carreras de Especialización que se cursan en diferentes Universidades nacionales , los aspectos de su organización y estilo propuesto para cursar y lograr la finalización de los estudios, así como las motivaciones de la elección de cursantes y egresados en tres ramas diferentes: artística, humanística y tecnológica. El conocimiento sobre la lógica de la organización y la particularidad del objeto de estudio de cada carrera permite analizar diferencias y semejanzas entre ellas aportando algunas propuestas para considerar en programas de formación; mientras que los trayectos de cursantes y egresados explican aspectos subjetivos que intervienen en la finalización o no del posgrado.

Criteria of election of postgraduate courses in graduated students of technological/ humanistic/ artistic professions : Subjective and contextual involvements to arrive at the conclusion of them

El aumento en la cantidad de estudios de posgrado y de sus cursantes derivados de la demanda por mayores credenciales académicas en lo laboral y por la búsqueda personal para especializarse profesionalmente, es un fenómeno observado en Argentina desde mediados de los años 90. Obtener el título final de estos estudios resulta un porcentaje muy inferior en relación al número de sus inscriptos. Tales motivos focalizaron nuestra atención para analizar tanto los criterios de elección del posgrado como las condiciones contextuales y subjetivas para alcanzar la titulación. Este estudio, de tipo cualitativo, investiga en tres carreras de Especialización que se cursan en diferentes Universidades nacionales , los aspectos de su organización y estilo propuesto para cursar y lograr la finalización de los estudios, así como las motivaciones de la elección de cursantes y egresados en tres ramas diferentes: artística, humanística y tecnológica. El conocimiento sobre la lógica de la organización y la particularidad del objeto de estudio de cada carrera permite analizar diferencias y semejanzas entre ellas aportando algunas propuestas para considerar en programas de formación; mientras que los trayectos de cursantes y egresados explican aspectos subjetivos que intervienen en la finalización o no del posgrado.

Criteria of election of postgraduate courses in graduated students of technological/ humanistic/ artistic professions : Subjective and contextual involvements to arrive at the conclusion of them

El aumento en la cantidad de estudios de posgrado y de sus cursantes derivados de la demanda por mayores credenciales académicas en lo laboral y por la búsqueda personal para especializarse profesionalmente, es un fenómeno observado en Argentina desde mediados de los años 90. Obtener el título final de estos estudios resulta un porcentaje muy inferior en relación al número de sus inscriptos. Tales motivos focalizaron nuestra atención para analizar tanto los criterios de elección del posgrado como las condiciones contextuales y subjetivas para alcanzar la titulación. Este estudio, de tipo cualitativo, investiga en tres carreras de Especialización que se cursan en diferentes Universidades nacionales , los aspectos de su organización y estilo propuesto para cursar y lograr la finalización de los estudios, así como las motivaciones de la elección de cursantes y egresados en tres ramas diferentes: artística, humanística y tecnológica. El conocimiento sobre la lógica de la organización y la particularidad del objeto de estudio de cada carrera permite analizar diferencias y semejanzas entre ellas aportando algunas propuestas para considerar en programas de formación; mientras que los trayectos de cursantes y egresados explican aspectos subjetivos que intervienen en la finalización o no del posgrado.

The First Universal Suffrage Election, at County (Gewog) Level, in Bhutan

Following a Royal Edict to adopt universal suffrage in election for local government institutions, maiden elections were held in 199 gewogs (counties) in Bhutan in 2002 to elect their chief executives. This paper gives an account of this first time event in a country where most villagers had never seen secret ballots and poll booths. It synthesizes detailed data, mostly qualitative, collected soon after the election was over, and assesses aspects of electoral participation that His Majesty the King of Bhutan has introduced steadily to deepen democracy. Beginning with a glance at the territorial organization of the Bhutanese state within which the counties are embedded, the paper compares the electoral results with the relevant election rules.

Election Studies in India

The election system is the pillar of Indian democracy. The system consists of various levels of elections to the Lok Sabha (the House of Representatives of the Union), State Legislative Assemblies, and Panchayati Raj Institutions (local self-governing bodies under State Governments). This article includes a review of studies related to the elections of Lok Sabha and State Legislative Assemblies conducted up to the present time. Studies are divided into those based on aggregate data and those based on survey data of the individual electorate. This division has the advantage of providing data that may be used in different analytical areas. Voter turnout and votes polled by party are the two main variables to be explained. This review article thus shows what has been explained in voting behaviour in India up to the present time.

Ethnicity and Elections under Authoritarianism: The Case of Kazakhstan

Despite the ethnicisation of power since independence in 1991, Kazakhstan has managed to maintain political stability without experiencing large-scale mobilisation to oppose Kazakh domination. This paper examines government strategy to avoid ethnic voting in an attempt to explain why ethnic divisions were rarely reflected in the struggle for power in the republic. While the arbitrary use of legal provisions considerably limited participation in elections by ethnic leaders, powerful pro-president parties that exhibited a cross-ethnic character were created to curtail ethnically based movements. The control strategy in elections aimed not simply at ethnicising the parliament in favour of Kazakhs, but at having loyal Russians and other minorities represented in the legislature through nomination by the president and catch-all pro-regime parties, or through the presidential consultative body—Assembly of the People of Kazakhstan. This well-controlled representation of minorities served not only to placate non-Kazakhs but also to provide legitimacy for the Kazakh-dominated leadership by projecting the image of cross-ethnic support for the president and some degree of power-sharing.

Interaction of powers in the Philippine presidential system

The executive - legislative relations in the Philippines have been described in two contrasting stories, namely the "strong president" story, and the "strong congress" story. This paper tries to consolidate the existing arguments and propose a new perspective focusing on the "compromise exchange" between the president and the congress across the different policy areas. It considers that the policy outcome is not brought by unilateral power of the president or the congress, but formed as the product of such an exchange. Interaction of powers and their complementary function are addressed. Furthermore, aside from the constitutional power, the weak party discipline is pointed out as a key factor in making the exchange possible.

Political institutions and policy outcomes : effects of presidential vetoes on budget making

The article examines how the power distribution between the executive and the legislature under the Presidential system affects policy outcomes. We focus in particular on the presidential veto, both package and partial. Using a simple game theory model, we show that the presidential partial veto generally yields a result in favor of the President, but that such effects vary depending on the reversion points of the package veto and the Congress's possible use of sanctions against the President. The effects of the Presidential partial veto diminish if the reversion point meets certain conditions, or if the Congress has no power to impose sufficient sanctions on the President when the President revises the outcome ex-post. To clarify and explain the model, we present the case of budget making in the Philippines between 1994 and 2008. In the Philippines, the presidential partial veto has been bringing expenditure programs closer to the President's ideal point within what may be called the Congress's indifference curve. The Congress, however, has not always passed budget bills and from time to time has carried over the previous year's budget, in years when the budget deficit increased. This is the situation that the policy makers cannot retrieve from the reversion point.

Presidentialism and political parties in Indonesia : why are all parties not presidentialized?

This paper analyzes whether the "presidentialization of political parties" is occurring in newly democratizing Indonesia, as argued by Samuels and Shugart (2010). In Indonesia not all parties are becoming presidentialized. Parties are presidentialized when they have a solid organizational structure and have the potential to win presidential elections. Parties established by a presidential candidate need not face an incentive incompatibility between their executive and legislative branches, since the party leader is not the "agent" but the "principal". On the other hand, small and medium-sized parties, which have few prospects of winning presidential elections, are not actively involved in the election process, therefore party organization is not presidentialized. As the local level, where the head of government has been directly elected by the people since 2005 in Indonesia, the presidentialization of political parties has begun to take place.

Kenya after the 2007 "post-election violence" : constitutional reform and the National Accord and Reconciliation Act

Immediately after the announcement of the re-election of President Kibaki on the evening of 30 December 2007, Kenya was thrust into the worst civil unrest experienced by the country since independence – a development that became known as the "Post-Election Violence" (PEV). However, after a subsequent process of reconciliation, the PEV came to an end within a relatively short period. The present-day politics of Kenya are being conducted within the framework of a provisional Constitution that took shape through peaceful mediation. How did Kenya manage to put a lid on a period of turmoil that placed the country in unprecedented danger? This paper traces the sequence of events that led to mediation, explains the emergency measures that were needed to maintain law and order, and indicates the remaining problems that still need to be solved.

Eventual election of multiple leaders for solving consensus in anonymous systems

In classical distributed systems, each process has a unique identity. Today, new distributed systems have emerged where a unique identity is not always possible to be assigned to each process. For example, in many sensor networks a unique identity is not possible to be included in each device due to its small storage capacity, reduced computational power, or the huge number of devices to be identified. In these cases, we have to work with anonymous distributed systems where processes cannot be identified. Consensus cannot be solved in classical and anonymous asynchronous distributed systems where processes can crash. To bypass this impossibility result, failure detectors are added to these systems. It is known that ? is the weakest failure detector class for solving consensus in classical asynchronous systems when amajority of processes never crashes. Although A? was introduced as an anonymous version of ?, to find the weakest failure detector in anonymous systems to solve consensus when amajority of processes never crashes is nowadays an open question. Furthermore, A? has the important drawback that it is not implementable. Very recently, A? has been introduced as a counterpart of ? for anonymous systems. In this paper, we show that the A? failure detector class is strictly weaker than A? (i.e., A? provides less information about process crashes than A?). We also present in this paper the first implementation of A? (hence, we also show that A? is implementable), and, finally, we include the first implementation of consensus in anonymous asynchronous systems augmented with A? and where a majority of processes does not crash.

O MOVIMENTO DIRETAS JÁ PELA ÓTICA DE JANIO DE FREITAS NA FOLHA DE S.PAULO

O presente trabalho verificou como o jornalismo pode ser parceiro e fonte para a história por meio da reprodução e análise dos fatos político-econômicos brasileiros nas páginas dos jornais impressos diários. Nessa perspectiva, as colunas escritas nos últimos 25 anos (1983-2009) por Janio de Freitas, no jornal Folha de S.Paulo, significam interpretação e análise dessa história. Trata-se, portanto, de uma pesquisa qualitativa e está ancorada nos Estudos Culturais. O corpus desta pesquisa é composto de um recorte de 47 comentários sobre as Diretas Já , de janeiro até abril de 1984, período em que ocorreram as principais mobilizações da sociedade civil pela eleição direta para a Presidência da República e culminou com a votação e a rejeição da emenda Dante de Oliveira pelo Congresso Nacional. No desenvolvimento do trabalho foram utilizadas as ferramentas da Análise de Conteúdo a partir das categorias analíticas criadas Personagens, Votação da Emenda Dante de Oliveira e Movimento Diretas Já nas ruas , para descrever o conteúdo textual das colunas. Para que se pudesse efetuar uma análise aprofundada do corpus da pesquisa foi utilizado o referencial teórico da ACD Análise Crítica do Discurso em nove das 47 colunas selecionadas. O critério de escolha para essas colunas foi a identificação daquelas que no título já traziam uma referência explícita à Campanha pelas Diretas Já , Às mobilizações nas ruas , A votação da emenda Dante de Oliveira , Ao processo de sucessão presidencial ou as que tinham o seu conteúdo integral sobre um dos temas. Este estudo constata a hipótese de que o jornalista é um historiador do cotidiano e que é possível fazer uma leitura da história da Campanha das Diretas Já por meio das colunas de Janio de Freitas. Ao tecer em suas colunas o cenário da época, desnuda para a história e para os historiadores o xadrez político personagens, acordos políticos, votação da emenda e a campanha nas ruas que envolveu o processo. Dessa forma, a partir de suas lentes, oferece elementos para a construção da memória coletiva sobre esse período da história brasileira.(AU)