"Éros" y poesía en "Fedro", "Banquete" y "República": la reelaboración platónica de los terrenos poéticos para la realidad y el deseo

El trabajo explica el vínculo existente entre las distintas concepciones platónicas del éros y de la poesía, como parte del legado poético del siglo v. Y analiza su evolución, y la de su relación con la filosofía, en Fedro, Banquete y República, como un proceso de destilación del éros elaborado por la poesía, del que es afín el éros filosófico configurado en el Fedro, pero cuya incompatibilidad, insinuada en el Banquete, se hace explícita y taxativa en la República. Todo ello con el fin de demostrar hasta qué punto asume el pensamiento de Platón la herencia poética precedente, poniendo en evidencia que dicho proceso responde, en todas sus fases, a un mismo objetivo: materializar el anhelo poético por excelencia: la creación de un «terreno intermedio» donde conciliar la irrenunciable dualidad de las aspiraciones humanas. En consecuencia, se invita aquí a mirar la ciudad platónica como materialización posible, no utópica, de un espacio logrado en el que integrar armónicamente la realidad y el deseo.

Temor, silencio y deliberación: la inhibición de la opinión en Tucídides

Tucídides es una de nuestras mejores fuentes de información para conocer la práctica argumentativa de la deliberación democrática. En este trabajo se analiza uno de los vicios que, según el historiador, haría su aparición en la escena política ateniense a la muerte de Pericles: la instrumentalización del miedo para obtener la victoria momentánea en la asamblea. El temor prudente, que fuera una arma periclea para conducir la deliberación racional en aras del bien común, habría desaparecido siendo sustituido por el amedrentamiento del rival, la calumnia, el obstruccionismo y la parálisis de la confrontación dialéctica. Instauradas en la ciudad la desconfianza y la sospecha de ocultación, los golpistas del 411 hallaron el terreno abonado para callar las voces contrarias y, gracias al silencio, instaurar el terror.

The demandingness of Nozick’s ‘Lockean’ proviso

Interpreters of Robert Nozick’s political philosophy fall into two broad groups concerning his application of the ‘Lockean proviso’. Some read his argument in an undemanding way: individual instances of ownership which make people worse off than they would have been in a world without any ownership are unjust. Others read the argument in a demanding way: individual instances of ownership which make people worse off than they would have been in a world without that particular ownership are unjust. While I argue that the former reading is correct as an interpretive matter, I suggest that this reading is nonetheless highly demanding. In particular, I argue that it is demanding when it is expanded to include the protection of nonhuman animals; if such beings are right bearers, as more and more academics are beginning to suggest, then there is no nonarbitrary reason to exclude them from the protection of the proviso.

A Better Place to Be: Republicanism as an Alternative to the Authoritarianism-Democracy Dichotomy

ABSTRACT Title of Dissertation: A BETTER PLACE TO BE: REPUBLICANISM AS AN ALTENATIVE TO THE AUTHORITARIANISM-DEMOCRACY DICHOTOMY Christopher Ronald Binetti, Doctor of Philosophy, and 2016 Dissertation directed by: Dr. Charled Frederick Alford, Department of Government and Politics In this dissertation, I argue that in modern or ancient regimes, the simple dichotomy between democracies and autocracies/dictatorships is both factually wrong and problematic for policy purposes. It is factually wrong because regimes between the two opposite regime types exist and it is problematic because the either/or dichotomy leads to extreme thinking in terms of nation-building in places like Afghanistan. In planning for Afghanistan, the argument is that either we can quickly nation-build it into a liberal democracy or else we must leave it in the hands of a despotic dictator. This is a false choice created by both a faulty categorization of regime types and most importantly, a failure to understand history. History shows us that the republic is a regime type that defies the authoritarian-democracy dichotomy. A republic by my definition is a non-dominating regime, characterized by a (relative) lack of domination by any one interest group or actor, mostly non-violent competition for power among various interest groups/factions, the ability of factions/interest groups/individual actors to continue to legitimately play the political game even after electoral or issue-area defeat and some measure of effectiveness. Thus, a republic is a system of government that has institutions, laws, norms, attitudes, and beliefs that minimize the violation of the rule of law and monopolization of power by one individual or group as much as possible. These norms, laws, attitudes, and beliefs ae essential to the republican system in that they make those institutions that check and balance power work. My four cases are Assyria, Persia, Venice and Florence. Assyria and Persia are ancient regimes, the first was a republic and then became the frightening opposite of a republic, while the latter was a good republic for a long time, but had effectiveness issues towards the end. Venice is a classical example of a medieval or early modern republic, which was very inspirational to Madison and others in building republican America. Florence is the example of a medieval republic that fell to despotism, as immortalized by Machiavelli’s writings. In all of these examples, I test certain alternative hypotheses as well as my own.

The ecology of the ePundit: surveying the new opinion-making landscape.

This paper explores hybrid forms of contemporary political opinion-making online, which we name ePunditry. The ePundit utilizes Web 2.0 technologies and networks to distribute their work: changing and challenging the boundaries and hierarchies of the existing opinion space, across multiple platforms. Drawing on the language of media ecology we define and give examples of ePunditry. We also consider the impact of the ePundit upon the wider media landscape, alongside the empowered role of the readership.

Alan Pauls: Poéticas del anacronismo

Alan Pauls (b. 1959) is an Argentine novelist and essayist. His works have barely been studied outside of Latin America; therefore, my work will be one of the first to focus critically and theoretically on his oeuvre and raise awareness of his importance to Contemporary Latin American Literature. The fundamental concept of my thesis is anachronism, which I develop by investigating the ways in which the present and the past are interconnected in the same temporal space. My dissertation has two interconnected parts. In the first, I propose an approach to Pauls’ literary work that emphasizes its engagement with literary and cultural theory. Specifically, I analyze how Pauls’ first novels –El pudor del pornógrafo (1984), El coloquio (1989), Wasabi (1994)– are strongly influenced by various theoretical discourses, especially the work of Roland Barthes. The guiding question of my dissertation’s first part is how one can narrate a fictional text without strictly appropriating narrative devices. Namely, I suggest that Pauls’ conception of literature is inevitably related to critical discourse. In the second part, I study a trilogy that Pauls wrote about the 1970s in Argentina: Historia del llanto (2007), Historia del pelo (2010), and Historia del dinero (2013). Here I focus on how Pauls uses the 1970s to propose a new conceptualization of the “political.” For Pauls, the “political” is not represented in the great events of a particular time but rather in the “effects” that these events produce; these effects are minor, almost imperceptible, and for that reason much more powerful as a literary event mechanism per se. From my point of view, this new conceptualization of the “political” contains in itself a problematic issue: the articulation between personal experience, history, and fiction. In conclusion, this interrelation between theory, politics, history, and fiction defines the path of my dissertation, which would have been just the “starting point” in my personal attempt to reconfigure the map of the Latin American literary contemporaneity.

Every nation under heaven: the importance of the biblical concept of nations for contemporary mission practice

Is there a concept of nationhood in the Bible that can provide us with a framework for cross-cultural Christian mission? This thesis argues that current evangelical missiology has accepted too willingly the categories of the secular Enlightenment understanding of ethnicity and nationhood, and that it needs to rethink its understanding of nations from a biblical standpoint. While the pressures of globalisation are seen by some as rapidly eclipsing the nation-state, this thesis will argue that we need to move beyond the narrower secular categories of citizenship, political power and the boundaries of the state to recover a more biblical understanding of nationhood. By reference to Genesis 10-11, Acts 2:1-11 and those passages in the Book of Revelation that discuss the destiny of the nations, it will show that the biblical understanding of nations includes deeper ideas of shared history, culture and language as the essential components of nationhood. It will explain how nations are part of the created order, and explore the impact of the Babel narrative on our understanding of nations in relation to God. It will demonstrate that Pentecost did not reverse the curse of Babel, but served rather to honour the dignity and value of nations and their languages. It will also argue that nations have a destiny in the New Creation according to the Book of Revelation. This biblical concept of nationhood has significant implications in several areas: the development of a public theology; a Christian response to nationalism; the question of how urban mission fits within mission to the nations; and the importance of indigenous languages in cross-cultural mission, especially in the multicultural cities of Europe.

Health as a Public Good

The purpose of the article is to present different conceptualizations of health as a public good. Author considers whether analytical tools and conceptual framework developed in the studies on the issue of public goods might be useful in order to analyze health. It was noted that health belongs to the special group of exceptional goods, since it carries the characteristics of both private and public good. It was emphasized that the distribution of public goods is a complex issue that requires an appropriate system of incentives as well as instruments in charge of its proper functioning. In the article it is argued that the widespread social anxiety and growing fear of further integration and globalization to a large extend results from the wrong management and unequal provision of global public goods.

El juego de las políticas públicas: Reglas y decisiones sociales

El Juego de las políticas públicas -- Reglas y decisiones sociales es un libro que se deja leer con facilidad y sus propuestas conceptuales son un buen punto de partida para generar discusiones y cerrar otras, para articular discursos, para proponer metodologías de análisis, de ahí su valía teórica -- Constituye un paso en la dirección correcta para enriquecer el análisis de políticas públicas, en un país como Colombia donde se habla del tema con extrema flexibilidad, y donde los conceptos construidos en otras latitudes no se adaptan a nuestras realidades institucionales y culturales -- Ese esfuerzo de adaptación es un valor agregado de la obra

Derechos humanos y construcción de ciudadanía en la escuela. Una propuesta para construir democracia participando en la actividad sociocultural

ResumenEste trabajo pretende ser un instrumento de reflexión sobre el rol histórico de la autoridad en el aula. El supuesto es que los períodos autoritarios han dejado huellas en las cosmologías docentes y por ello el autoritarismo se resiste a partir. Esto último impide enfatizar en actitudes y acciones didácticas de tipo cooperativo; invisibilizando derechos fundamentales, principalmente aquellos referidos en la infancia y adolescencia. Se hace hincapié en la participación democrática de docentes y estudiantes, enfatizando en la exaltación de un tipo de socialización enmarcada en la participación democrática desde la escuela, que pueda aportar hábitos trasladables a otros ámbitos sociales, contribuyendo a formar actitudes deliberativas, necesarias para participar activamente. El marco utilizado es, en el caso de las teorías del aprendizaje y como soporte metodológico, el principio de Zona de Desarrollo Próximo (Vigotsky) y el supuesto de aprendizaje práctico/participativo (Rogoff), además de brindar algunas concepciones sobre filosofía política en educación (Gutman).Respecto al marco normativo, se presta atención al cuerpo jurídico internacional sobre derechos humanos poniendo énfasis en la esfera de la educación, las recientes leyes argentinas de educación (2006) y de protección de la infancia y la adolescencia (2006). Palabras clave: autoridad democrática, diálogo horizontal, ciudadanía activa, talleres pedagógicos. AbstractThis work aims to be an instrument of reflection on the historical role of authority in the classroom. The assumption is that authoritarian periods have left footprints in the cosmologies of teacher, hence authori­tarianisms resists to leave. This prevents the emphasis on didactic cooperative attitudes and actions, thus subduing fundamental rights, mainly those referred to infancy and adolescence. The teachers´ and students´ democratic participation is emphasized, remarking the exaltation of a kind of socialization framed by the democratic participation from the school, which can bring habits transferable to other social areas, facilitating the development of the deliberative attitudes needed to participate actively. The theoretical framework is, in the case of learning theories and as a methodological support, the principle of Near Area Development (Vigotsky) and as the second argument, we use the assumption of learning by doing/participatory (Rogoff). In the first case, a task that is done with help today will be autonomously tomorrow. For the latter, it means participatory activities in order to achieve habits that may relocate to other social environments. In the case of Guttmann, it is looking for framing issues of political theory of education, mainly those related to the new skills a twenty-first century citizenship must acquire. Regarding the regulatory framework, attention is paid to international norms on human rights with empha­sis on education, recent Argentinean education laws (2006) and new laws on childhood and adolescence protection (2006). Keywords: democratic authority, horizontal dialogue, active citizenship, pedagogical workshops.         

Critical Systems Theory: A Political Economy of Language, Thought, and Technology

An emergent form of political economy, facilitated by information and communication technologies (ICTs), is widely propagated as the apotheosis of unmitigated social, economic, and technological progress. Meanwhile, throughout the world, social degradation and economic inequality are increasing logarithmically. Valued categories of thought are, axiomatically, the basic commodities of the “knowledge economy”. Language is its means of exchange. This paper proposes a sociolinguistic method with which to critically engage the hyperbole of the “Information Age”. The method is grounded in a systemic social theory that synthesises aspects of autopoiesis and Marxist political economy. A trade policy statement is analysed to exemplify the sociolinguistically created aberrations that are today most often construed as social and political determinants.

Militarism and International Relations : Political economy, security, theory, edited by Anna Stavrianakis and Jan Selby, Abingdon, Routledge, 2012, 212 pp., £80.00 (hardback), ISBN 978-0-415-61491-7

An engaging narrative is maintained throughout this edited collection of articles that address the issue of militarism in international relations. The book seamlessly integrates historical and contemporary perspectives on militarism with theory and relevant international case studies, resulting in a very informative read. The work is comprised of three parts. Part 1 deals with the theorisation of militarism and includes chapters by Anna Stavrianakis and Jan Selby, Martin Shaw, Simon Dalby, and Nicola Short. It covers a range of topics relating to historical and contemporary theories of militarism, geopolitical threat construction, political economy, and the US military’s ‘cultural turn’.