The historical works of Arnold H.L. Heeren.

Vols. 2 and 4 have also special t.-p.

Identificação e análise dos/as pobres como categoria social: uma pesquisa bíblica a partir de contextos histórico-sociais na subunidade dos Salmos 3-14

A pesquisa, em 5 capítulos, desenvolve o tema dos/as pobres como categoria social nos Sl 3-14, subunidade do primeiro livro do saltério (Sl 3-41). Os Sl 3-14 são atribuídos a Davi, o fato está relacionado com as escolas e suas teologias presentes na edição final do saltério. Esses salmos nasceram nas comunidades camponesas do antigo Israel, posteriormente, foram aperfeiçoados e adaptados por grupos de cantores oficiais no templo de Jerusalém. Os Sl 3-14 se destacam pelo lamento e pela súplica individual. Pertencem a uma coleção pré-exílica, mas concentra textos tardios, do pós-exílio. Os lugares que ocupam foram pensados estrategicamente. Os Sl 9; 10 apresentam conceitos hebraicos que identificam os/as pobres: dak, ani, ebyon. Estes/as designam pequenos/as camponeses/as livres, ainda com acesso à terra. Ao longo do antigo Israel não sofreram mudanças bruscas como categoria social, no entanto, podem assinalar-se algumas características que os/as distinguem nos períodos correspondentes ao primeiro e o segundo templo de Jerusalém. Ademais, os Sl 9; 10 apresentam palavras sinônimas que também os/as identificam: hellkah pobre/infeliz e naqi inocente . Apesar das pequenas variações dos conceitos, todos apontam à uma categoria social, com direito à apelação nos tribunais, embora com fraca influência jurídica. Essa comunidade tem identidade teológica. Javé é apresentado como o seu defensor. A espoliação no saltério é algo dramático, porque o rosto do/a pobre é o próprio rosto de Javé. A pobreza não é um assunto de espiritualidade nem de casualidade. É gerada por um sistema político-social, planejado de forma inteligente, que não permite ao povo da roça progredir como agricultor. Esse setor poderoso, nacional ou estrangeiro, é identificado nos textos, sob os conceitos: goyim nações , sorerim agressores , oyebim inimigos , raxa im injustos . O seu domínio é suportado pela violência e as armas. A ideologia dos sistemas dominantes é fundamental para a interpretação dos textos. A sociedade dos salmistas apresenta crises com relação à identidade humana. A violência e a paz se disputam os espaços. O Sl 8 mostra uma sociedade alternativa pensada a partir daquilo aparentemente fraco: as olelim crianças e os yanaqim lactantes (Sl 8,3). O grito das criancinhas, o grito dos/as oprimidos/as, unido ao grito da criação, se compara à dor de parto, com o qual inicia a vida. Trata-se de um grito que busca transformar os trajetos entortados da história. Esses são indícios da esperança que distingue a teologia dos/as pobres. Os Sl 3-7 e 11-14 continuam a apresentar a situação dos/as pobres. Às vezes, localizam-se os conceitos: ani oprimido e ebyon pobre , outras, recorre-se a novos sinônimos como has͇id fiel e sadiq justo . Esses salmos demonstram que os/as pobres estão presentes também nos textos onde tais conceitos não aparecem. As agrupações (Sl 3-7 e 11-14) são uma pausa na subunidade (Sl 3-14), não uma quebra de sentido com os Sl 8; 9 e 10. Finalmente, se localiza na sociedade dos Sl 3-14, o Modo de Produção Tributário. As teorias das ciências econômica, arqueológica, histórica, contribuem com a compreensão do universo sóciopolítico gerador de pobres.

SANTIFICAR A JAVÉ UM ESTUDO DE ISAÍAS 8,11-15

Esta pesquisa visa analisar a mensagem de Javé transmitida através do profeta Isaías em meio à guerra siro-efraimita (734-732 a.C.), no tempo do rei Acaz. A primeira parte deste trabalho fornece uma panorâmica histórica da situação tanto internacional quanto nacional da nação de Judá. No meio de sinais de guerras, invasões estrangeiras, desolação e aumento de tributos que acarretam maior insegurança para os setores mais empobrecidos, Javé faz sua aposta pela vida de Israel. Através do oráculo profético mo stra um caminho que pode chegar a subverter a ordem de um injusto sistema político advindo do próprio pecado da nação de Israel. Neste texto, santificar a Javé é a trilha que pode livrar-lhes da queda e da destruição. Santificar a Javé significa cuidar e preservar a vida, especialmente dos mais desprotegidos. Isto implica optar conscientemente por uma nova ordem que garanta uma existência digna para todos e todas. O objetivo desta pesquisa é entender como o conceito de santificação salientado pelo profeta Isaías, na perícope (Is 8,11-15), pode ajudar-nos a superar os problemas cotidianos e fornecer-nos novas posturas éticas para enfrentar a vida, isto é um conceito de santificação que requer do engajamento com o povo, fundamentalmente com a população mais carente e necessitada atualmente. Por meio do trabalho exegético tentamos encontrar respostas escondidas entre palavras, termos e frases, procurando entender o texto em diálogo com a vida cotidiana de seu tempo e do nosso. Este estudo pretende providenciar subsídios para a leitura popular da Bíblia que está sendo realizada por muitos grupos nas igrejas e comunidades cristãs, que buscam novos caminhos, horizontes, sonhos e utopias para continuar a viver em meio de sociedades em crises e de tempos difíceis.(AU)

Youth, Religion and Participation : Theoretical and Methodological Approaches

This roundtable session focus on religious and social change as well as democracy and political culture, startingfrom the role of youth in these processes. The role of religion in young people’s participation is a key theme inthe cross-disciplinary network “youth and religion” connected to the Impact program. Participation here includesboth citizens’ “vertical” capacities to make their voices heard and influence decision-makers in the political system(e.g. via elections or civic organizations and social movements) and their “horizontal” capacities to communicateand cooperate with other people (within society at large or certain associations/communities). The participants ofthe session will present influential theories and methodologies used to study participation among youth within theresearch disciplines they represent (i.e. sociology of religion; theology; ethnology; political science). This will befollowed by a joint discussion of how these theories and methodologies have approached religious involvement witha particular focus on youth’s participation in politics, civil society as well as social media and the internet. The aim ofthe session is to look for common themes and new issues that can guide contemporary studies of participation in thefield of youth and religion. The session is open to conference participants interested in the issues discussed.

Transplanting Anglo-American accounting oversight boards to a diverse institutional context

The introduction of accounting and auditing oversight boards (OBs) has been promoted on a global scale as a key component of the international financial architecture that has emerged over the past two decades. Such institutions, modeled on the Anglo-American tradition, are domestically organized and embedded within distinctively diverse institutional contexts. Their role is to ease agency problems, improve the quality of financial reporting, and help provide stability in the global financial system. We employ an institutional approach, located within the broader political economy framework of global capitalism, to examine the establishment and operation of the new regulatory regime in Greece. Greece, a member of the European Union, exhibits characteristics of a "delegative" democracy, i.e. a traditionally weak institutionalization, reform (in)capacity problems and a clientelistic political system. Our case study shows that the formation and operation of the newly-established system of oversight is conditioned by local political and economic constraints and, thus, does not automatically translate into concrete benefits for the quality of financial reporting. We also draw attention to the structural mismatch between a progressing globalized financial integration and the fragmented nature of the system of oversight, and illustrate that OBs' independence from local governments is an important but neglected issue.

Constructing communism in the Romanian People's Republic. Orthodoxy and state, 1948 - 49

This article analyses the ambiguous and contradictory relationship between the Orthodox Church and the communist regime during the first two years of the Romanian People's Republic. The installation of communism and the process of Stalinisation led to an unprecedented control of the church. The church was actively employed in propaganda and the regime imposed its own people in the hierarchy. On the one hand, Romanian communists followed the Soviet model regarding the place of the church in the communist state while, on the other hand, the church hierarchy adapted to the new political system by creating a theory of 'social apostolate'. Lacking popular support, the communists used the church as an instrument through which they could acquire the political support of the masses. The church thus enjoyed a favoured position in society mainly because the communists employed it in their ideological expansionism and confrontation with the West.

Freemasonary in France during the Nazi occupation and it's rehabilitation after the end of the Second World War

This thesis examines the involvement of the French Freemason movement in the Resistance during the Occupation of France by the Germans 1939-1945, its relationship with the Vichy government and the effect the 'Nouvelle Révolution' had on the lives of individual Masons. To set the scene and to put the role of Freemasonry into perspective in the life of France and the French political system, the origins of French Freemasonry are examined and explained. The main French Masonic obediences are discussed and the differences between them emphasised. The particular attributes of a Freemason are described and the ideals and ethos of the Order is discussed. From its earliest days, Freemasonry has often been persecuted by the Roman Catholic Church or by extreme Right-wing movements. The history of this persecution is reviewed and the reasons for its persistence noted, with especial emphasis on the treatment of Freemasons under the fascist regimes of Italy and Germany. The fate of Freemasonry in countries under German control is also briefly examined. With the occupation of France by the Germans, the differences and similarities of the treatment of French and German Freemasons are discussed. The processes and legislation of this ban are closely examined and the part played by the Vichy government in the persecution of French Freemasonry is discussed. The effects of this persecution and the consequences for individuals are examined and the Freemason's role in the emerging Resistance movement is reviewed. The contribution of many lodges to the Resistance movement is examined and the sacrifice of many Freemasons for their ideals is emphasised.

Representing religion in the European Union:a typology of actors

For the first time in the history of the acquis communautaire, the Lisbon Treaty institutionalises an ‘open, transparent and regular dialogue’ between European institutions and ‘churches, religions and communities of conviction’. Drawing on a comparative analysis of 120 religious and convictional actors which have been in contact with European institutions from 1957 until today, this article proposes four types of relations between religious/convictional representations and European institutions, namely, private–public, experimental, proactive and institutionalised. It argues that the Lisbon institutionalisation of religious dialogue enhances the public visibility of the European Commission and, most significantly, of the construction of the European political system.

Institutions, policies, and arguments:context and strategy in EU policy framing

Studies of framing in the EU political system are still a rarity and they suffer from a lack of systematic empirical analysis. Addressing this gap, we ask if institutional and policy contexts intertwined with the strategic side of framing can explain the number and types of frames employed by different stakeholders. We use a computer-assisted manual content analysis and develop a fourfold typology of frames to study the frames that were prevalent in the debates on four EU policy proposals within financial market regulation and environmental policy at the EU level and in Germany, Sweden, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom. The main empirical finding is that both contexts and strategies exert a significant impact on the number and types of frames in EU policy debates. In conceptual terms, the article contributes to developing more fine-grained tools for studying frames and their underlying dimensions.

Advocacy coalitions:influencing the policy process in the EU

The aim of this contribution is to critically evaluate one of the theoretical approaches used to study the European Union (EU) political system and interest groups activity: the advocacy coalition framework (ACF). ACF considers that the outcome of legislative procedures is influenced by the alignment and role played by advocacy coalitions. This contribution assesses the impact of ACF on our understanding of the influences on the EU policy processes, highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of the approach. The main argument is that the ACF, although very useful in studying the EU political system, shows shortcomings when applied to the study of EU interest groups' performance. The contribution ends with a consideration of future directions for theoretical and empirical ACF research, alone and as part of wider integrated theoretical approaches to understanding the dynamics of influence in the EU. © 2013 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.

[Review of] Ivo Mijnssen, The Quest for an Ideal Youth in Putin’s Russia I. Back to Our Future! History, Modernity and Patriotism According to Nashi, 2005–2012. Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society, Stuttgart: Ibidem Verlag, 2012, 202pp., e 34.90 p/b

THE YOUTH MOVEMENT NASHI (OURS) WAS FOUNDED IN THE SPRING of 2005 against the backdrop of Ukraine’s ‘Orange Revolution’. Its aim was to stabilise Russia’s political system and take back the streets from opposition demonstrators. Personally loyal to Putin and taking its ideological orientation from Surkov’s concept of ‘sovereign democracy’, Nashi has sought to turn the tide on ‘defeatism’ and develop Russian youth into a patriotic new elite that ‘believes in the future of Russia’ (p. 15). Combining a wealth of empirical detail and the application of insights from discourse theory, Ivo Mijnssen analyses the organisation’s development between 2005 and 2012. His analysis focuses on three key moments—the organisation’s foundation, the apogee of its mobilisation around the Bronze Soldier dispute with Estonia, and the 2010 Seliger youth camp—to help understand Nashi’s organisation, purpose and ideational outlook as well as the limitations and challenges it faces. As such,the book is insightful both for those with an interest in post-Soviet Russian youth culture, and for scholars seeking a rounded understanding of the Kremlin’s initiatives to return a sense of identity and purpose to Russian national life.The first chapter, ‘Background and Context’, outlines the conceptual toolkit provided by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe to help make sense of developments on the terrain of identity politics. In their terms, since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has experienced acute dislocation of its identity. With the tangible loss of great power status, Russian realities have become unfixed from a discourse enabling national life to be constructed, albeit inherently contingently, as meaningful. The lack of a Gramscian hegemonic discourse to provide a unifying national idea was securitised as an existential threat demanding special measures. Accordingly, the identification of those who are ‘notUs’ has been a recurrent theme of Nashi’s discourse and activity. With the victory in World War II held up as a foundational moment, a constitutive other is found in the notion of ‘unusual fascists’. This notion includes not just neo-Nazis, but reflects a chain of equivalence that expands to include a range of perceived enemies of Putin’s consolidation project such as oligarchs and pro-Western liberals.The empirical background is provided by the second chapter, ‘Russia’s Youth, the Orange Revolution, and Nashi’, which traces the emergence of Nashi amid the climate of political instability of 2004 and 2005. A particularly note-worthy aspect of Mijnssen’s work is the inclusion of citations from his interviews with Nashicommissars; the youth movement’s cadres. Although relatively few in number, such insider conversations provide insight into the ethos of Nashi’s organisation and the outlook of those who have pledged their involvement. Besides the discussion of Nashi’s manifesto, the reader thus gains insight into the motivations of some participants and behind-the-scenes details of Nashi’s activities in response to the perceived threat of anti-government protests. The third chapter, ‘Nashi’s Bronze Soldier’, charts Nashi’s role in elevating the removal of a World War II monument from downtown Tallinn into an international dispute over the interpretation of history. The events subsequent to this securitisation of memory are charted in detail, concluding that Nashi’s activities were ultimately unsuccessful as their demands received little official support.The fourth chapter, ‘Seliger: The Foundry of Modernisation’, presents a distinctive feature of Mijnssen’s study, namely his ethnographic account as a participant observer in the Youth International Forum at Seliger. In the early years of the camp (2005–2007), Russian participants received extensive training, including master classes in ‘methods of forestalling mass unrest’ (p. 131), and the camp served to foster a sense of group identity and purpose among activists. After 2009 the event was no longer officially run as a Nashi camp, and its role became that of a forum for the exchange of ideas about innovation, although camp spirit remained a central feature. In 2010 the camp welcomed international attendees for the first time. As one of about 700 international participants in that year the author provides a fascinating account based on fieldwork diaries.Despite the polemical nature of the topic, Mijnssen’s analysis remains even-handed, exemplified in his balanced assessment of the Seliger experience. While he details the frustrations and disappointments of the international participants with regard to the unaccustomed strict camp discipline, organisational and communication failures, and the controlled format of many discussions,he does not neglect to note the camp’s successes in generating a gratifying collective dynamic between the participants, even among the international attendees who spent only a week there.In addition to the useful bibliography, the book is back-ended by two appendices, which provide the reader with important Russian-language primary source materials. The first is Nashi’s ‘Unusual Fascism’ (Neobyknovennyi fashizm) brochure, and the second is the booklet entitled ‘Some Uncomfortable Questions to the Russian Authorities’ (Neskol’ko neudobnykh voprosov rossiiskoivlasti) which was provided to the Seliger 2010 instructors to guide them in responding to probing questions from foreign participants. Given that these are not readily publicly available even now, they constitute a useful resource from the historical perspective.

Giants and dwarfs:the multilevel lobbying strategies of national interest organizations

The article addresses the bias in interest representation within the EU by examining the lobbying strategies of national interest organisations within the EU’s multilevel political system. Both our theoretical framework, which includes the determinants of a national interest organisation's decision to act at the EU level, and the data analysis from the INTEREURO Multi-Level Governance Module (MLG) (www.intereuro.eu) reveal three main findings. Firstly, the greatest differentiation among interest organisations (IOs) appears to be between those IOs from the older member states (Germany, the UK and the Netherlands), which exhibit above-average levels of activity, and those from the newer EU member states (Sweden, Slovenia), which exhibit below-average levels of activity. Secondly, the variations in IO activity levels are much greater from country to country than from one policy field to another. Thirdly, although the IOs from all five countries in our study are more likely to employ media and publishing strategies (information politics) than to mobilise their members and supporters (protest politics), we can still observe national patterns in their selection of strategies and in the intensity of their instrumentalisation.

Designed for Patience. The Significance of International Factors in the Ukrainian and Belarusian Transitions

This paper focuses on Belarus in order to find explanation as to why could Lukashenko remain the authoritarian leader of Belarus, while in Ukraine the position of the political elite had proved less stable and collapsed in 2004. We seek to determine whether the internal factors (macroeconomic conditions, standard of living, the oppressive nature of the political system) play a significant role in the operation of the domino effect. This article emphasises the determining role of immanent internal factors, thus the political stability in Belarus can be explained by the role of the suppressing political regime, the hindrance of democratic rights and the relatively good living conditions that followed the transformational recession. Whilst in Ukraine, the markedly different circumstances brought forth the success of the Orange Revolution.

A magyar átalakulás és fejlődés néhány általánosítható elméleti tanulsága = Some generalizable theoretical lessons of the Hungarian transformation and development

A világgazdasági válság óta eltelt nyolc évtizedben Magyarországon számos rendszerváltozás ment végbe a gazdaságban és a politikában. Sokak szerint a szabadpiactól a szabadpiacig vezető kör bezárult, és ismét rendszerválság előtt állunk. Míg a jövő természetesen bizonytalanságokkal terhes, és így értelemszerűen nem kiszámítható, a múlt egyértelmű tanulsága az, hogy a közéletet végig formáló felzárkózási törekvés egészében sikertelennek bizonyult. Ennek alapja elemzésünk központi rejtélye egy régi fejlődéselméleti feladvány: miért van az, hogy Argentínához vagy újabban Olaszországhoz és Portugáliához hasonlóan a jó politika rossz eredményekkel jár(t), és fordítva? Miért szakadt el végletesen és történetileg is a gazdasági és a politikai ésszerűség egymástól? __________________ Hungary has undergone several changes of economic and political system in the eighty years since the Great Depression. According to many, the circle from market economy to market economy has closed and we face another systemic crisis. Although the future is naturally full of uncertainties and is not by its very nature predictable, the clear lesson from the past is that the effort to catch up, which shaped public life throughout, has been unsuccessful on the whole. The basis for this and the central riddle in this analysis is an old puzzle in development theory: how is it that good policies had bad results and vice versa, as was the case in Argentina, and recently in Italy and Portugal? Why did economic and political rationality part company for good, even in historical terms?

Járadékteremtés és az áldemokráciák = Rent creation and pseudo-democracies

Tanulmányunkban egy olyan rendszerrel foglalkozunk, amely köztes helyet foglal el a demokrácia és az autokrácia között, mindkettő jegyeit magán viseli, és amelyet ezért áldemokráciának nevezünk. A rendszer működési sajátosságait a járadékok szemszögéből vizsgáljuk, és arra keressük a választ, hogy demokratikus országokban hogyan képes egy párt tartósan domináns pozícióban maradni. Modellünk segítségével összekapcsoljuk a járadékteremtést a szavazatok maximalizálásának céljával, és bemutatjuk, miért jelenthet racionális döntést a hatalmon lévők számára a rövid távú optimumon túlmutató járadékteremtés is. A modell rávilágít arra, hogy a többletjáradékok segítségével a kormányzat - klientúrája megerősítése, a demokratikus rendszer határainak feszegetése, valamint az ellenzék visszaszorítása révén - hosszú távú előnyökre tehet szert, áldemokráciát hozva létre. Történelmi példák jól mutatják, hogy a rendszer bukását végül általában a gyengébb gazdasági teljesítmény és a korrupció széles körűvé válása kényszeríti ki. _____ The paper focuses on a specific political system lying between democracy and autocracy, which has similarities to both. Called here a pseudo-democracy, it is examined from the point of view of rents. The paper enquires how a democracy can allow a single party to dominate the political landscape for a long period. The author constructs a model to link rent creation to vote maximization, arguing that it can be rational for incumbents to increase rents beyond the short-term optimum. The model also reveals that surplus rents may offer long-term gains to an elite by strengthening its clientčle, challenging the systemic political framework and holding back the opposition. Historical examples show that the end-result of a pseudo-democratic system will usually be to weaken economic performance and increase corruption.