747 resultados para Mental health laws--South Carolina--Periodicals


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OBJECTIVES: (1) Describe the population of mentally ill offenders over whom Ontario Review Board (ORB) held jurisdiction. (2) Assess the influences of psychopathology and criminal factors on criminal career. METHOD: This study was a retrospective case series design that reviewed all offenders who were court ordered for psychiatric evaluation at Mental Health Services Site of Providence Care in Kingston, Ontario from 1993 to 2007 (N=347). Eighty five subjects were found not criminally responsible on the account of mental disorder and were included in statistical analysis (n=85). Bivariate associations between five key variables and two outcome variables, seriousness of crime and recidivism, were examined. Logistic regressions were conducted to test the role of the predictor variables on the outcome variables. RESULTS: Age and change in principal psychiatric diagnosis over time were shown to be associated with seriousness of crime. Timing of psychiatric onset, early signs of deviance and change in diagnosis were shown to be associated with recidivism. On the whole, study population did not markedly vary in their distribution of variables by the outcome variables. Regression model included timing of psychiatric onset; psychiatric history; existence of criminal associate; child abuse history; and early signs of deviance. Recidivism was shown to be predicted by early signs of deviance (OR=8.154, p<0.05). Existence of criminal associates was shown to have substantial values of odds ratio at marginal significance (OR=7.577, p=0.13). CONCLUSION: Seriousness of crime is a complex factor that could not be sufficiently predicted by any one or combinations of study variables. Recidivism is better predicted by criminality factors than psychopathology. In the future, an exploratory analysis that more broadly examines the psychopathology and criminal factors in Canadian forensic population is needed. Findings from this study have important clinical and legal implications.

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This article will be a reflective report, made by participants, facilitators and tutors on the first stage of a project entitled ‘Mentalentity’ which, had as it brief, the promotion of positive attitudes to mental health among men in rural areas. The arts ‘product’ is a 25 minute film made by a group of men in South Armagh using an action learning and action research approach.. The project is a paradigm of ‘action research’ using arts based methods also in that none of the men had ever been involved in filmmaking and had to learn a wide range of skills to convert the knowledge they were reflecting on into an arts product; avoiding the sensationalising of a very complex subject and, equally, the earnestness sometimes associated with ‘awareness raising’ projects. The project is funded by a statutory agency, the Southern Investing for Health Partnership, and is being implemented by two voluntary groups, Men Aware (South Armagh) and a pan-disability group, Out and About, working with Queen’s University, School of Education, Open Learning Programme, which facilitated and accredited the project and the Nerve Centre, an internationally renowned independent arts organisation which specialises in music, multimedia, and the moving image. The article will relate the project to a range of arts based projects undertaken by the contributors and will contextualize this work within the research in such fields as inclusive participative and emancipatory research, qualitative research methodologies, active learning pedagogy, arts based pedagogy, Social/ Relational model disability and cutting edge ‘psychosocial’ models in mental health.

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There have been important recent developments in law, research, policy and practice relating to supporting people with decision-making impairments, in particular when a person’s wishes and preferences are unclear or inaccessible. A driver in this respect is the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD); the implications of the CRPD for policy and professional practices are currently debated. This article reviews and compares four legal frameworks for supported and substitute decision-making for people whose decision-making ability is impaired. In particular, it explores how these frameworks may apply to people with mental health problems. The four jurisdictions are: Ontario, Canada; Victoria, Australia; England and Wales, United Kingdom (UK); and Northern Ireland, UK. Comparisons and contrasts are made in the key areas of: the legal framework for supported and substitute decision-making; the criteria for intervention; the assessment process; the safeguards; and issues in practice. Thus Ontario has developed a relatively comprehensive, progressive and influential legal framework over the past thirty years but there remain concerns about the standardisation of decision-making ability assessments and how the laws work together. In Australia, the Victorian Law Reform Commission (2012) has recommended that the six different types of substitute decision-making under the three laws in that jurisdiction, need to be simplified, and integrated into a spectrum that includes supported decision-making. In England and Wales the Mental Capacity Act 2005 has a complex interface with mental health law. In Northern Ireland it is proposed to introduce a new Mental Capacity (Health, Welfare and Finance) Bill that will provide a unified structure for all substitute decision-making. The discussion will consider the key strengths and limitations of the approaches in each jurisdiction and identify possible ways that further progress can be made in law, policy and practice.

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The change from an institutional to community care model of mental health services can be seen as a fundamental spatial change in the lives of service users (Payne, 1999; Symonds & Kelly, 1998; Wolch & Philo, 2000). It has been argued that little attention has been paid to the experience of the specific sites of mental health care, due to a utopic (idealised and placeless) idea of ‘community’ present in ‘community care’ (Symonds, 1998). This project hence explored the role of space in service users’ experiences, both of mental health care, and community living. Seventeen ‘spatial interviews’ with service users, utilising participatory mapping techniques (Gould & White, 1974; Herlihy & Knapp, 2003; Pain & Francis, 2003), plus seven, already published first person narratives of distress (Hornstein, 2009), were analysed using thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Mental health service sites are argued to have been described as heterotopias (Foucault, 1986a) of a ‘control society’ (Deleuze, 1992), dominated by observation and the administration of risk (Rose, 1998a), which can in turn be seen to make visible (Hetherington, 2011) to service users a passive and stigmatised subject position (Scheff, 1974; 1999). Such visible positioning can be seen to ‘modulate’ (Deleuze, 1992) participants’ experiences in mainstream space. The management of space has hence been argued to be a central issue in the production and management of distress and madness in the community, both in terms of a differential experience of spaces as ‘concordant’ or ‘discordant’ with distress, and with movement through space being described as a key mediator of experiences of distress. It is argued that this consideration of space has profound implications for the ‘social inclusion’ agenda (Spandler, 2007; Wallcraft, 2001).

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This ranks private, public and foreign-affiliated companies by the number of employees on their South Carolina payrolls as of July 1, 2008, and then compares the progress of participating companies from year to year. The South Carolina Big 50 includes financial institutions, insurance companies, retailers, retail establishments, hospitals and healthcare organizations. The South Carolina Big 50, however, does exclude government agencies and organizations. The top company remained the same as in the 2007 issue, with Wal-Mart Stores Inc. continuing to be ranked No. 1. BI-LO LLC and Palmetto Health moved from No. 3 and No. 4 to No. 2 and No. 3 respectively.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.

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South Carolina laws require that each state agency submit an annual accountability report to the Governor and General Assembly that contains the agency's or department's mission, objectives to accomplish the mission, and performance measures that show the degree to which objectives are being met.