941 resultados para Liberty Revolution
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This chapter charts the rise the urban commune as a cultural construct in early Soviet Russia and, in so doing, explores the implication of assessing the spaces in-between the apparatus of state -- very much a new venture in Soviet history.
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This monograph is the product of a series of workshops held in the UK and the USA, the premise of which was to suggest that 1917 is the wrong departure point for a full analysis of the social and cultural particularities of the Soviet Union. Breaking away from the binary of ‘change and continuity’, however, we asked how the new and the old (tradition and modernity) came together to make the Soviet experience ‘across 1917’. Building on these workshops, we have gathered 15 scholars from America, Europe, Russia, and the Middle East to contribute to this edition. This volume examines, among other things, the social and cultural frameworks that helped determine Soviet perceptions of social duty, justice, and governance.
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This contribution is about the protection of detained persons in international armed conflict. In particular, it compares how the relationship between IHL and IHRL is understood depending on whether one is speaking of the substantive or the procedural rules of protection for detainees. It will be suggested that, whereas the relationship between IHL and IHRL raises fewer problems when speaking of substantive rules, the situation is very different when speaking of procedural rules.
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An essay on love and liberty in the writings of Gillian Rose, Marquis de Sade, Max Horkheimer and Theodor W. Adorno, written in response to the following provocation: "Encore un effort. A banderole publicitaire carries the breathless descriptions of the new fashions for 1968, when anything goes and details place the accent on this or that part of the body and its adornment: a pair of shoes that come off in a struggle, for example, the heel of one snapped off; a striking checked shirt, with two buttons undone; a light-coloured trench coat (perfect for a May day); a blouson-style jacket that allows easy freedom of movement; place casual slacks worn with an ankle boot. Beauty is in the streets as fashion becomes democratic (or so say the houses of haute couture), while the philosopher of the boudoir extorts us once again to make an effort if we wish to be republicans. Here, to an assembled crowd of sensitive men and women, which petit-maitre or dangerous man of principles would suggest that the only moral system to reinforce political revolution is that of libertinage, the revenge of nature's course against the aberrations of society?"
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Causing civilian casualties during military operations has become a much politicised topic in international relations since the Second World War. Since the last decade of the 20th century, different scholars and political analysts have claimed that human life is valued more and more among the general international community. This argument has led many researchers to assume that democratic culture and traditions, modern ethical and moral issues have created a desire for a world without war or, at least, a demand that contemporary armed conflicts, if unavoidable, at least have to be far less lethal forcing the military to seek new technologies that can minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage. Non-Lethal Weapons (NLW) – weapons that are intended to minimise civilian casualties and collateral damage – are based on the technology that, during the 1990s, was expected to revolutionise the conduct of warfare making it significantly less deadly. The rapid rise of interest in NLW, ignited by the American military twenty five years ago, sparked off an entirely new military, as well as an academic, discourse concerning their potential contribution to military success on the 21st century battlefields. It seems, however, that except for this debate, very little has been done within the military forces themselves. This research suggests that the roots of this situation are much deeper than the simple professional misconduct of the military establishment, or the poor political behaviour of political leaders, who had sent them to fight. Following the story of NLW in the U.S., Russia and Israel this research focuses on the political and cultural aspects that have been supposed to force the military organisations of these countries to adopt new technologies and operational and organisational concepts regarding NLW in an attempt to minimise enemy civilian casualties during their military operations. This research finds that while American, Russian and Israeli national characters are, undoubtedly, products of the unique historical experience of each one of these nations, all of three pay very little regard to foreigners’ lives. Moreover, while it is generally argued that the international political pressure is a crucial factor that leads to the significant reduction of harmed civilians and destroyed civilian infrastructure, the findings of this research suggest that the American, Russian and Israeli governments are well prepared and politically equipped to fend off international criticism. As the analyses of the American, Russian and Israeli cases reveal, the political-military leaderships of these countries have very little external or domestic reasons to minimise enemy civilian casualties through fundamental-revolutionary change in their conduct of war. In other words, this research finds that employment of NLW have failed because the political leadership asks the militaries to reduce the enemy civilian casualties to a politically acceptable level, rather than to the technologically possible minimum; as in the socio-cultural-political context of each country, support for the former appears to be significantly higher than for the latter.
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Noise music is created around sounds not often welcome in a musical context. Since the birth of electronic music in the 1950s a new perspective on composing has emerged. In electronic music, sounds and their timbre are as much important as melody, harmony and rhythm. This composing perspective is not often observed. Therefore I have examined a musical genre that stretches the boundaries of what we consider music, sound, noise, beautiful and terrible. The aim of this thesis is to investigate what aesthetic ideals noise musicians have when they create music. I examine the composing processes of three noise musicians, by asking the following questions: Do you compose in advance or do you improvise, how do your control of sound look like, how do you use the human voice and how do you categorize sound? The thesis is constructed around interviews I have made with the musicians and an extensive historical background concentrated on the alternative composing techniques that has led to the development of noise music. Among the results I found that these noise musicians always improvise with material, but the real essence of noise music is the character of the sounds, not their origins or material. Composing in advance for sound is a lot more difficult than traditional composing. Another result is that these noise musicians have extensive control of their instruments and can produce the sounds they wanted. They point out the importance of instruments that produce sound not directly controlled by themselves, something that create a musical quality that they aspire.
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The Sustainability revolution: A societal paradigm shift – ethos, innovation, governance transformation This paper identifies several key mechanisms that underlie major paradigm shifts. After identifying four such mechanisms, the article focuses on one type of transformation which has a prominent place in the sustainability revolution that the article argues is now taking place. The transformation is piecemeal, incremental, diffuse – in earlier writings referred to as ”organic”. This is a more encompassing notion than grassroots, since the innovation and transformation processes may be launched and developed at multiple levels through diverse mechanisms of discovery and development. Major features of the sustainability revolution are identified and comparisons made to the industrial revolution.
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How did conservatives, who had become effectively ostracized by their party following the Great Depression and the societal reforms of the New Deal, regain leverage within the GOP during the 1960s? My hypothesis is two-fold. First, I contend that a small group of conservative activists led by F. Clifton White, in spite of a dearth of resources and manpower, managed to infiltrate Republican infrastructure and “hijack” the delegate- selection process. The distinctly conservative and recalcitrant disposition of the Goldwater delegates demonstrates that these activists succeeded. Second, I argue that in addition to temporarily overpowering the national convention in 1964, conservatives thereafter retained control of the party insofar as subsequent GOP candidates were obliged to garner the support of conservative pockets of the country in order to win the presidential nomination. The resulting rightward shift of the Republican Party following the 1960s is a direct corollary of the conservative takeover outlined in this study.
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The present study is focused on the analysis of the political, economical and social factors that may interfere with the possibility of a Green Revolution as a solution for Mozambique to reach self-sufficiency and to reduce poverty. In order to perform such analysis, the study analyzes the consequences of the decolonization process in Mozambique focusing that the independence process in Mozambique did not create non-colonial models for the Agriculture Sector. Later on, the study tries to understand the impact of HIV/AIDS and Malaria on the labor force. By then, it explores the concepts of the Green Revolution and its successful history in India. At the end, it tries to evaluate if a Green Revolution is possible in Africa, especially in Mozambique, first identifying the factors, which characterized the Green Revolution in India, and trying to link those factors with the reality of Mozambique. The report is structured as followed; Chapter 2, ¿The decolonization process and its impacts on the agriculture sector¿. It gives information about the decolonization process, and explores its consequences. Chapter 3, ¿The Impacts of HIV/AIDS and Malaria on the Labor Force¿. It analyzes the impact of those diseases in the labor force. Chapter 4 ¿The Green Revolution and the Agriculture Sector¿, explores the concepts of Green Revolution, its success in India and its history in Mozambique. Chapter 5, finally, centers on conclusions, findings and recommendations.
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Este trabalho busca resgatar a origem e história de uma das organizações de esquerda que surgiu no período de 1968 a partir das dissidências dentro do Partido Comunista Brasileiro. Inúmeras organizações irão surgir nesse período, sendo que a maioria das mesmas irá aderir ao processo de luta armada contra o regime militar. Entre as diversas diferenças políticas e ideológicas entre elas, uma se destacava: a manutenção de uma estrutura de partido ou a criação de organizações sem estrutura de partido e com liberdade de ação por parte dos comandos militares da organização. O fundo dessa discordância era proveniente da influência da Revolução Cubana entre os militantes de esquerda na América Latina através da Teoria do Foco, onde a ação de partido era considerada desnecessária. Por outro lado, também é fruto da retomada dos debates sobre concepção de partido revolucionário e a relação dos partidos com os movimentos de massas, debate presente no pensamento marxista europeu durante toda a primeira metade do século XX. O PCBR buscou aliar a concepção leninista de partido com as posições de defesa da autonomia do movimento de massas frente aos partidos, concepção defendida pela marxista alemã Rosa Luxemburgo. O trabalho, portanto, busca estudar o contexto em que este debate se realizou na esquerda brasileira durante o período militar. Por fim, o presente estudo buscou também contribuir com a reconstituição histórica de alguns fatos relevante relacionados à ação política do PCBR durante o período militar.
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This paper argues that trade specialization played an indispensable role in supporting the Industrial Revolution, allowing the economy to shift resources to the manufacture without facing food and raw materials shortage. In our arti cial economy, there are two sectors agriculture and manufacture and the economy is initially closed and under a Malthusian trap. In this economy the industrial revolution entails a transition towards a dynamic Heckscher-Ohlin economy. The model reproduces the main stylized facts of the transition to modern growth and globalization. We show that two-sectors closed-economy models cannot explain the fall in the value of land relative to wages observed in the 19th century and that the transition in this case is much longer than that observed allowing for trade.
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O planejamento provoca um fascínio e deslumbramento no homem desde os primórdios do seu aparecimento, quando procura antever o futuro, que se lhe apresenta desconhecido e misterioso. Uma das características do ser humano é fazer planos, sendo essa atividade uma atitude inerente ao homem e também às sociedades. A literatura brasileira, disponível sobre o tema, apresenta-se de uma certa forma dicotômica, quase sempre sem uma unidade orgânica, ora produzindo parcos estudos teóricos, ora fornecendo análises de experiências específicas de países, regiões e estados em períodos de tempo determinados. A dissertação de mestrado para a Escola Brasileira de Administração Pública - EBAP Fundaçâo Getúlio Vargas - FGV,Planejamento Governamental. Aspectos teóricos e uma análise das experiências mundial, brasileira e cearence, consolida num só estudo os aspectos teóricos e práticos dentro de um encadeamento lógico,didático com o objetivo de revisitar/esclarecer o tema e servir de mate rial de consulta/referência para cursos de graduação e pós-graduação da disciplina Planejamento Governamental. Para uma melhor compreensão das experiências de planejamento, apresenta inicialmente os aspectos teóricos, conceituando o tema e relacionando suas funções ~ características. O trabalho mostra o inter-relacionamento do, planejamento com o poder e a política, incluindo a discussão do mito da neutralidade e racionalidade, assim como' sua utilização como instrumento nas mãos dos que detêm o poder, Demonstra também o caráter do plnejamento como processo com definições e a descrição de três modelos teóricos - Bromley, Tristão e Hilhorst. Apresenta o dilema liberdade do setor privado versus intervenção governamental, desde as primeiras manifestações de planejamento na Rússia, após a revolução de outubro de 1917 passando pelas experiências da Europa e Estados Unidos da América, até a dos países subdesenvolvidos, cada qual com suas condições históricas e institucionais peculiares. Faz uma análise da experiências mundial e brasileira (dividida em fases: ocasional - até 1930, empírica 1930-1964 e científica 1964-1986), sendo que para esta última adota uma abordagem síntese baseada nos pontos de vista de diversos autores examinados, principalmente Benedicto Silva, Werner Baer, Issac Kerstenetzky, Anniba1 V. Villela, Jorge Vianna Monteiro e Luiz Roberto Aze vedo Cunha. No caso da experiência cearense ( 1963-1986 ), a descrição factual e linear dos planos tem uma seqUência temporal (a exemplo dos planos brasileiros), forma meramente didática escolhi da e visa uma melhor compreensão do assunto. Paralelamente, analisa os planos em seus aspectos econômico, social, político e cultural de forma integrada, numa tentativa de dimensionar a história total do planejamento estadual. O enfoque tradicional de comparação objetivos propostos/objetivos alcançados, muito comum nas análises das experiências de planejamento, é deixado de lado stricto-senso. Em contrapartida, dá ênfase a um aspecto que julga mais relevante: a identificação da evolução dos arranjos organizacionais, visto ser o planejamento algo que neles se traduz e cuja exequibilidade depende, em alto grau, do contexto institucional. Isentando o conceito do planejamento de culpa pelo seu fracasso no atingimento da maioria de seus objetivos, o trabalho aponta uma série de fatores particularmente desfavoráveis que configura uma situação de crise: Objetivos apologéticos e triunfalistas; retórica inócua; uso do planejamento no sentido de fortalecedor e viabilizador dos interesses da classe dominante; exarcebação da técnica e tese da neutralidade do planejamento para efeito de obtenção de poder; manipulação do planejamento como instrumento de mistificação, assim como seu uso como fetiche e servidor de "trampolim" para a política (principalmente no Ceará); a eliminação do caráter federativo da União Republicana, provocando a perda de autonomia dos estados com o sistema tributário, conduzindo a uma centralização das decisões ( e do poder )'; ausência de continuidade nas políticas econômicas de longo prazo tendo como corolário a descontinuidade administrativa e, por último, a própria natureza do planejamento posto em prática no Brasil e no Ceará que, sendo indicativo, não detém o controle de todas as variáveis do processo. O aparecimento de um novo paradigma para o planejamento governamental passaria, necessariamente, pela antítese dos entraves apontados no estudo.