855 resultados para Islam--Prayers and devotions


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Die Beiträge dieser Veröffentlichung sind aus Vorträgen anlässlich der Postdoc-Konferenz zu Ehren von Prof. Dr. Detlev Ipsen, der sich im September 2010 aus dem Universitätsdienst verabschiedete, entstanden. Das inhaltliche Kernprogramm der Postdoc-Konferenz war bewusst auf sehr unterschiedliche Perspektiven auf den Raum und die Raumwahrnehmung ausgerichtet und bildet sich auch in den Beiträgen dieser Veröffentlichung ab. Elisabeth Heidenreich widmet sich in ihrem Beitrag „Der moderne Dschihad und seine (sakralen) Räume“ den technischen Räumen des islamistischen Terrorismus. Hans-Ulrich Werner zeigt in seinem Beitrag „SoundScapes als Klang und Raum“ verschiedene Begegnungen der Musik- und Klangwissenschaft mit der Stadt- und Umweltplanung auf und setzt sich mit der Bedeutung und Transformation von „Klangräumen“ in der Planung auseinander. Der Beitrag von Susanne Kost „Kulturbedingte Unterschiede im Landschaftsbewusstsein – eine Annäherung“ analysiert, wie und wodurch sich bestimmte Handlungs- und Wahrnehmungsweisen in Kulturen entwickelt haben könnten und ob sich am Beispiel der Niederlande bestimmte Muster der Landschaftswahrnehmung identifizieren lassen. Ilya Maharika erörtert in seinem Beitrag „Urban Gene of Desakota. A Dynamic of Indonesian Urban-Rural Continuum with the Case of Yogyakarta Region” internationale Phänomene und Dynamiken im Stadt-Land-Gefüge.

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El problema de la libertad ha sido ampliamente debatido dentro del pensamiento occidental. Este documento busca hacer un análisis del concepto de libertad dentro del Islam desde el ejercicio hermenéutico, con el fin de revisar algunos conceptos y de allí los prejuicios existentes respecto al tema y de esta forma arribar a una mejor comprensión e interpretación de la complejidad del problema. A partir de allí se analiza la respuesta política que surge de la pluma de dos ideólogos considerados fundamentalistas: Sayyid Qutb y el Ayatollah Ruhollah Jomeini.

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El interés de esta monografía es analizar las interacciones no-lineales con resultados emergentes que mantuvo la comunidad kurda en Siria, durante el periodo 2011-2014, y por las cuales se produjeron formas de auto-organización como resultado de la estructura compleja a la que pertenece. De esta forma, se explica cómo a raíz de la crisis política siria y los enfrentamientos con el Estado Islámico, se transformó el rol de los kurdos en Siria y se influenciaron las estructuras políticas del país y las naciones de la región con población kurda. Por lo tanto, esta investigación se propone analizar este fenómeno a través del enfoque de complejidad en Relaciones Internacionales y el concepto de Auto-Organización. A partir de ello, se indaga sobre las interacciones surgidas en estructuras más pequeñas, que habrían afectado un sistema mayor; estableciendo nuevas formas de organización que no pueden ser explicadas, únicamente, a partir de elementos causales.

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The Dapperstreet[1] ...Anything is a lot, when you expect so little Life keeps its wonders hidden To suddenly reveal them in a divine state. I thought about all t Soaking wet, one drizzly morning, Simply happy in the Dapperstreet. The Dapperstreet is part of a neighbourhood often referred to as “East”, situated in the eastern part of Amsterdam. It is a lively and vibrant multi-cultural part of the city. It has a daily market with food from around the world, but is also known worldwide because of the murder on Theo van Gogh, the Dutch film director who was killed there in 2001 because of his critical and provocative statements on the Islam. Thus it can be concluded that it is certainly a neighbourhood with its own problems but, as can be read in Bloem’s poem, a place to call home and long for. [1] Poem by J.C. Bloem, The Dapperstreet (Het Verlangen, 1921). Translation by Davida de Hond.

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In the wake of Libya and the American pivot to Asia, CSDP-NATO relations must be recalibrated. The buzz word for CSDP should be: integrated through the EU and empowered through NATO.

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The absorption cross-sections of Cl2O6 and Cl2O4 have been obtained using a fast flow reactor with a diode array spectrometer (DAS) detection system. The absorption cross-sections at the wavelengths of maximum absorption (lambda(max)) determined in this study are those of Cl2O6: (1.47 +/- 0.15) x 10(-17) cm(2) molecule(-1), at lambda(max) = 276 nm and T = 298 K; and Cl2O4: (9.0 +/- 2.0) x 10(-19) cm(2) molecule(-1), at lambda(max) = 234 nm and T = 298 K. Errors quoted are two standard deviations together with estimates of the systematic error. The shapes of the absorption spectra were obtained over the wavelength range 200-450 nm for Cl2O6 and 200-350 nm for Cl2O4, and were normalized to the absolute cross-sections obtained at lambda(max) for each oxide, and are presented at 1 nm intervals. These data are discussed in relation to previous measurements. The reaction of O with OCIO has been investigated with the objective of observing transient spectroscopic absorptions. A transient absorption was seen, and the possibility is explored of identifying the species with the elusive sym-ClO3 or ClO4, both of which have been characterized in matrices, but not in the gas-phase. The photolysis of OCIO was also re-examined, with emphasis being placed on the products of reaction. UV absorptions attributable to one of the isomers of the ClO dimer, chloryl chloride (ClClO2) were observed; some Cl2O4 was also found at long photolysis times, when much of the ClClO2 had itself been photolysed. We suggest that reports of Cl2O6 formation in previous studies could be a consequence of a mistaken identification. At low temperatures, the photolysis of OCIO leads to the formation of Cl2O3 as a result of the addition of the ClO primary product to OCIO. ClClO2 also appears to be one product of the reaction between O-3 and OCIO, especially when the reaction occurs under explosive conditions. We studied the kinetics of the non-explosive process using a stopped-flow technique, and suggest a value for the room-temperature rate coefficient of (4.6 +/- 0.9) x 10(-19) cm(3) molecule(-1) s(-1) (limit quoted is 2sigma random errors). The photochemical and thermal decomposition of Cl2O6 is described in this paper. For photolysis at k = 254 nm, the removal of Cl2O6 is not accompanied by the build up of any other strong absorber. The implications of the results are either that the photolysis of Cl2O6 produces Cl-2 directly, or that the initial photofragments are converted rapidly to Cl-2. In the thermal decomposition of Cl2O6, Cl2O4 was shown to be a product of reaction, although not necessarily the major one. The kinetics of decomposition were investigated using the stopped-flow technique. At relatively high [OCIO] present in the system, the decay kinetics obeyed a first-order law, with a limiting first-order rate coefficient of 0.002 s(-1). (C) 2004 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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A collection of pieces on British intelligence including sources (Christopher R. Moran), methodology (Richard Aldrich), media (Philip H.J. Davies), historiography (Calder Walton and Christopher Andrew), South Africa and the Wilson government (Philip Murphy), Pakistan and ISI (Rob Johnson), and UK security policy in the face of radical Islam (Anthony Glees).

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An extensive data set of total arsenic analysis for 901 polished (white) grain samples, originating from 10 countries from 4 continents, was compiled. The samples represented the baseline (i.e., not specifically collected from arsenic contaminated areas), and all were for market sale in major conurbations. Median total arsenic contents of rice varied 7-fold, with Egypt (0.04 mg/kg) and India (0.07 mg/kg) having the lowest arsenic content while the U.S. (0.25 mg/kg) and France (0.28 mg/kg) had the highest content. Global distribution of total arsenic in rice was modeled by weighting each country’s arsenic distribution by that country’s contribution to global production. A subset of 63 samples from Bangladesh, China, India, Italy, and the U.S. was analyzed for arsenic species. The relationship between inorganic arsenic content versus total arsenic content significantly differed among countries, with Bangladesh and India having the steepest slope in linear regression, and the U.S. having the shallowest slope. Using country-specific rice consumption data, daily intake of inorganic arsenic was estimated and the associated internal cancer risk was calculated using the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) cancer slope. Median excess internal cancer risks posed by inorganic arsenic ranged 30-fold for the 5 countries examined, being 0.7 per 10,000 for Italians to 22 per 10,000 for Bangladeshis, when a 60 kg person was considered.

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Despite revived notions of a ‘cultural divide’ between East and West, Edward's Said's ‘Orientalism’ has received little attention from scholars of intelligence and diplomacy. This article brings to light for the first time a number of recently declassified documents of a different nature to usual assessments produced by Anglo-American analytic bodies: those focussed primarily on the issue of ‘national character’. Using and critiquing Said's thesis of Western ‘Orientalism’ it reveals some critical and enduring conceptualizations articulated by the diplomatic and intelligence community about Arab culture such as the role of Islam, rhetoric, political motivation and notions of ‘honour’. Such a critical approach demonstrates how diplomatic and intelligence history can also be a history of culture, ideas and institutional mentalité.

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Medicines and other Resources Utilized in Order to Cope Infants Diseases in the Family Daily Life: a qualitative study. The study proposes to investigate the use of medications, medicinal plants and other therapeutic resources to cope infants diseases in the domestic realm in an urban area. The ethnographic research method was utilized as referential, guiding the study for 10 months with 20 fortnight meetings in the domicile of 15 families. The study followed up 180 episodes of disease, 74,5% were treated, in a first instance, at home, resulting in the use of 212 therapeutic resources. The main type of therapeutic resource utilized was industrialized medicines, differing considerably from its clinic recommendations. The realm of the health services was more mobilized as a second treatment option. In the community realm, treatment of diseases known from the popular culture was performed via blessings and prayers. The families use medicines as cultural practices and the acceptance of some type of treatment depends on the expectations and experiences of the family.

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Followers of three world religions, Judaism, Christianity and Islam are waiting for the Messiah. Muslims are even waiting for aspiritual leader al-Mahdi. Two different persons claimed the title of al-Mahdi, at the end of the nineteenth century. Theyappeared almost at the same time, at the totally different places of the earth, with a completely different message and underthe rule of the British colonial power. The aim of the study is to compare the both religious figures, Mirza Ghulam Ahmadfrom India and Muhammad Ahmad from Sudan regarding their different messages, to illustrate the social, political andreligious factors that lead to the entirely different profile and image of these two men and how their organizations havedeveloped after their death up till today. The result shows that the Sudanese Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad claimed hisMahdiship in the year 1881. He became a political leader in a time when Sudan was under the rule of a colonial power. Hetook advantage of the religion for personal purposes and tried to liberate his native country Sudan. The contemporaryMuslim clergy criticized him for his claim because the content of the Hadith traditions did not support his claim ofMahdiship. He maintained his sole right for the interpretation of religion and of the laws of Sharia. He made changes even inthe chief pillars of Islam by asserting that Jehad with sword was more imperative than the pilgrimage journey to Mecca. Heasserted that the Prophet Muhammad himself had entrusted him to launch the holy war against the non-believers. He hadimmense ambitions which were never fulfilled since he suddenly died four years after his claim for Mahdiship, in June 1885.This day his followers are organized as a political party in Sudan with a modest roll in the Sudanese politics. The IndianMahdi Mirza Ghulam Ahmad claimed in 1889 to be Mahdi, Mujaddid, Muhaddas, Messiah and a Prophet at a time of socialand political peace, though Islam as a religion was firmly pushed by the Hindu and Christian missionaries. He had no politicalambitions at all and was utterly loyal to the British colonial power. His mission was to crush the Cross and to demonstrateIslam’s excellence over all the religions of the world through overwhelming arguments. He proclaimed that Jesus was humanand a Prophet and not the son of God. Jesus survived from the cross and died a natural death after he had lived for manyyears. Ahmad claimed that God had commanded him to put stop to the religious wars. The contemporary Muslim clergyblamed him for being an imposter, melancholic and hypochondriac who had self invented the divine revelations. He died year1908, nineteen years after his claim and the communion he found is established today in more than hundred countries of theworld. Reasons for the breakdown of mission of the Sudanese Mahdi were that his objectives were political and he challengedthe colonial power with the sword. Another decisive factor was his sudden death merely four years after the beginning of hismission. Reasons for the success of Indian Mahdi were that his objectives were purely religious and he was wholly loyal to theforeign government. He survived nineteen years after the beginning of his mission which made it possible for him to create acommunion based on solid grounds. His followers continued on the same path and never engaged in local politics where everthey lived. For further studies it will be of great interest to study the life of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad and objectively examine thearguments he presented in support of his divine appointment. Furthermore it is enriching to study the organization andactivities of the Ahmadiyya Muslim community to explore if they are in accordance with the basic principles of Ahmad.

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This paper will discuss the emergence of Shiʿite mourning rituals around the grave of Husayn b. ʿAli. After the killing of Husayn at Karbala’ in 61/680, a number of men in Kufa feel deep regret for their neglect to come to the help of the grand­son of the Prophet. They gather and discuss how they can best make penitence for this crime. Eventually, they decide to take to arms and go against the Umayyad army – to kill those that killed Husayn, or be killed them­selves in the attempt to find revenge for him. Thus, they are called the Penitents (Ar. Tawwābūn). On their way to the battlefield they stop at Husayn’s tomb at Karbala’, dedicat­ing themselves to remorseful prayer, crying and wailing over the fate of Husayn and their own sin. When the Penitents perform certain ritual acts, such as weeping and wailing over the death of Husayn, visiting his grave, asking for God’s mercy upon him on the Day of Judgment, demand blood revenge for him etc., they enter into already existing rituals in the pre-Islamic Arab and early Muslim context. That is, they enter into rituals that were traditionally performed at the death of a person. What is new is that the rituals that the Penitents perform have partially received a new content. As described, the rituals are performed out of loyalty towards Husayn and the family of the Prophet. The lack of loyalty in connection with the death of Husayn is conceived of as a sin that has to be atoned. Blood revenge thus be­comes not only a pure action of revenge to restore honor, but equally an expression for true religious conversion and penitence. Humphrey and Laidlaw argue that ritual actions in themselves are not bearers of meaning, but that they are filled with mean­ing by the performer. Accord­ing to them, ritual actions are apprehensible, i.e. they can be, and should be filled with meaning, and the people who perform them try to do so within the context where the ritual is performed. The story of the Penitents is a clear example of mourning rituals as actions that survive from earlier times, but that are now filled with new meaning when they are performed in a new and developing move­ment with a different ideology. In later Shiʿism, these rituals are elaborated and become a main tenet of this form of Islam.

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The relationship between Islamic Law and other legal systems (basically western type domestic legal orders and international law) is often thought of in terms of compatibility or incompatibility. Concerning certain subject matters of choice, the compatibility of Islamic (legal) principles with the values embedded in legal systems that are regarded as characteristic of the Modern Age is tested by sets of questions: is democracy possible in Islam? Does Islam recognize human rights and are those rights equivalent to a more universal conception? Does Islam recognize or condone more extreme acts of violence and does it justify violence differently? Etc. Such questions and many more presuppose the existence of an ensemble of rules or principles which, as any other set of rules and principles, purport to regulate social behavior. This ensemble is generically referred to as Islamic Law. However, one set of questions is usually left unanswered: is Islamic Law a legal system? If it is a legal system, what are its specific characteristics? How does it work? Where does it apply? It is this paper`s argument that the relationship between Islamic Law and domestic and international law can only be understood if looked upon as a relationship between distinct legal systems or legal orders.