The Barretstown experience

The thesis was prompted by a simple clinical observation. Seriously ill children returning from Barretstown Holiday Camp appeared changed. Barretstown ‘magic’ confuses the issue but indicates real and clinically evident transformations. The project sought to understand the experience and place it in a recognisable framework. The data was collected by interviews, observations as camp Paediatrician, memberships of the Child Advisory Committee and the Association’s criteria assessment team, participation in volunteer training and visits to international camps. The research presents evidence that the concepts of rite of passage, graceful mimesis and salutogenesis clarify operative social processes. The passage stages of separation, transition and reaggregation can be identified. Passage rites reorder personal and social upsets to fresh arrangements that facilitate change. Interviews confirm the reordering impact of achievements in play activities. These are challenging experiences closely guided by their Masters of Ceremonies – the Caras. The Cara/camper relationship is crucial and compatible with Girard’s theory of external mimesis. Visits to four camps confirm an inspirational process in contrast to a reported camp with a predetermined formative influence. Charismatic Caras/Councillors inspire playful mimesis and salutogenic transformations. Health is more than correction of pathogenic deficits and restoration of homeostasis. Salutogenic health promotes heterostasis – a desire for optimal experiences underpinned by a sense of coherence and adequate resources. Some evidence is presented that children have an improved sense of coherence after camp, which enables them to cope better with the demands of ill health. The camps enable sick children to up regulate risk taking towards more heterostatic experiences rather than down regulate their expectations. The heterostatic impulse can explain the disability paradox of good quality of life in the presence of severe disability. The salutogenic power of Barretstown can trump the pathogenic effects of childhood cancer and other serious illnesses.

Prostate cancer treatment as an embodied rite of passage: impotence and incontinence as challenges to status reversal and reintegration

Introduction and Rationale: A central argument in the thesis is that performative acts of control, sexual potency and spontaneity are central to the continuous construction of embodied masculine identities. The acts of control, and particularly issues of spontaneity, are central to understandings and addressing the difficulties men face at varying levels of embodied identity. Using Watson’s (2000) ‘Male body schema’, I will explore the challenges and opportunities men face when negotiating normative, pragmatic, and experiential embodiment. I will later then explore the importance of these levels of embodiment to achieving visceral embodiment; or what I would define as a renewed unconscious satisfaction and ability to achieve and maintain normative, pragmatic and experiential forms of embodiment. Purpose and Objectives: Using the concept of liminality, and permanent liminality, the thesis explores how we can interpret and understand men’s experience of prostate cancer diagnosis and treatment, and their struggle to regain power and control in the context of diagnosis, and also the side effects to treatment. The strategies men adopt in seeking out personalised medical programmes of treatment with their doctors are explored in detail. The power and control that can be exercised over medical professionals and treatment options is demonstrated. Method: Collecting responses online from prostate specific discussion boards via gatekeepers, and from interviews on the ‘health talk’ online database, three intersecting conceptual categories - liminality, masculinity and the body/embodiment - are combined in this research. Liminality and ‘time’ are directly linked to notions of ‘success’ and ‘outcome’ during the treatment process, and mark distinct points at which men, and their families, expect measures or limits to have been reached. Exploring liminality within the context of Turner’s ‘rites of passage’, I explore the difficulty men face in concluding the third stage of the rites; reintegration. Results: Prostate cancer diagnosis and treatment, impotence and incontinence, in particular, have profound implications for the continuous construction of embodied masculine identities, and thus identity in general, making the construction of hegemonic ideals in the context of a highly ‘performative’ society highly troublesome. The issue of ‘spontaneity’ in the construction of various forms of embodied identities is of particular concern for men who contributed to this study.

From the demise of theory to its resurgence. A retrospective on the postmodern turn to rethink the 'desire for narrative' and the sublime untimeliness of emancipation

Cultural Marxist Theory, commonly known as theory, enjoyed a moment of extraordinary success in the 1970s, when the works of leading post-war French philosophers were published in English. After relocating to Anglophone academia, however, theory disavowed its original concerns and lost its ambition to understand the world as a whole, becoming the play of heterogeneities associated with postcolonialism, multiculturalism and identity politics, commonly referred to as postmodern theory. This turn, which took place during a period that seemed to have spelt the death of Marxism, the 1990s, induced many of its supporters to engage in an ongoing funeral wake designating the merits of theory and dreaming its resurgence. According to them, had theory been resurrected in historical circumstances completely different from those which had led to its rise, it would have never reacquired the significance that had originally connoted it. This thesis demonstrates how theory has survived its demise and entirely regained its prominence in our socio-political context marked by the effects of the latest crisis of capitalism and by the global threat of terrorisms rooted in messianic eschatologies. In its current form theory does no longer need to show allegiance to certain intellectual stances or political groupings in order to produce important reformulations of the projects it once gave life to. Though less overtly radical and epistemologically bounded, theory remains a necessary form of enquiry justified by the political commitment which originated it in the first place. Its voice continues to speak to us about justice ‘where it is not yet, not yet there, where it is no longer’ (Derrida, 1993, XVIII).

Afro-Cuban Bata Drum Aesthetics: Developing Individual and Group Technique, Sound and Identity

The Lucumi religion (also Santeria and Regla de Ocha) developed in 19th-century colonial Cuba, by syncretizing elements of Catholicism with the Yoruba worship of orisha. When fully initiated, santeros (priests) actively participate in religious ceremonies by periodically being possessed or "mounted" by a patron saint or orisha, usually within the context of a drumming ritual, known as a toque de santo, bembe, or tambor. Within these rituals, there is a clearly defined goal of trance possession, though its manifestation is not the sole measure of success or failure. Rather than focusing on the fleeting, exciting moments that immediately precede the arrival of an orisha in the form of a possession trance, this thesis investigates the entire four- to six-hour musical performance that is central to the ceremony. It examines the brief pauses, the moments of reduced intensity, the slow but deliberate build-ups of energy and excitement, and even the periods when novices are invited to perform the sacred bata drums, and places these moments on an equal footing with the more dynamic periods where possession is imminent or in progress. This document approaches Lucumi ritual from the viewpoint of bata drummers, ritual specialists who, during the course of a toque de santo, exercise wide latitude in determining the shape of the event. Known as omo Ana (children of the orisha Ana who is manifest in drums and rhythms), bata drummers comprise a fraternity that is accessible only through ritual initiation. Though they are sensitive to the desires of the many participants during a toque de santo, and indeed make their living by satisfying the expectations of their hosts, many of the drummers' activities are inwardly focused on the cultivation and preservation of this fraternity. Occasionally interfering with spirit possession, and other expectations of the participants, these aberrant activities include teaching and learning, developing group identity or signature sound, and achieving a state of intimacy among the musicians known as "communitas."

Locally Periodic Signal Estimation and Pitch Detection, and Acoustic Communication in American and Northwestern Crows

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-03

Westerners in search of the legendary potion : ayahuasca travel in the borderland between tourism and pilgrimage

The thesis examines the phenomenon most commonly known as “ayahuasca tourism” – i.e. the practice of westerners traveling to South America and partaking in ceremonies in which a powerful entheogenic brew, ayahuasca, is consumed. While this popular phenomenon has been steadily increasing during the last decades, it has, however, been insufficiently studied by scholars. An important question which has not been properly addressed in earlier studies is how ayahuasca tourism relates to the wider occurrence of travel and how it should be perceived with reference to the theoretical frameworks on the subject of travel. Drawing on theories regarding pilgrimage and tourism, the main purpose of this thesis is to examine the relationship between ayahuasca tourism and the broader spectrum of travel. In particular, the study tests the designations “pilgrimage”, “religious tourism” and “spiritual tourism” with reference to ayahuasca tourism. Utilizing earlier literature as well as ayahuasca tourists‟ reports obtained from an Internet forum as a basis for analysis, I search for a suitable terminology to be used for the phenomenon. The study lays special emphasis on the protagonists‟ motivations, experiences and outcomes in order to take note of various aspects of the wide-ranging occurrence of ayahuasca tourism. Key findings indicate that ayahuasca tourism is best understood as a combination of pilgrimage and tourism. On the basis of the analysis I argue that ayahuasca tourism should be labeled as “pilgrimage” and/or “spiritual tourism”, and the tourists respectively as “pilgrims” and/or “spiritual tourists”. The category of “religious tourism/tourist”, on the other hand, turns out to be an inappropriate designation when describing the phenomenon. In general, through my study I show that the results are consistent with the present trend in the study of travel to perceive pilgrimage and tourism as theoretically similar phenomena. The study of ayahuasca tourism serves thus as living proof of contemporary travel, in which the categories of pilgrimage and tourism are often indistinguishable. I suggest that ayahuasca tourism is by no means exceptional on this point, but can rather be used as an illustration of modern travel forms on a general level. Thus, the present study does not only add to the research of ayahuasca tourism, but also provides additional insights into the study of travel.

Dianna Hostetter funeral invitation, 1861

The invitation is a request of Jacob Hostetter to his friends and acquaintances to attend the funeral of his wife, Dianna on Tuesday, October 29, 1861. Dianna, also known as Dinah, was the second daughter of Joseph and Mary Heslop Van Every. She was born in 1831 and married Jacob Hostetter of Grantham Township. Jacob died a year later, leaving two children, Joseph Blain Hostetter (1860-1896) and Laura Diana Hostetter (1861-1933). Jacob was the son of Capt. Herman Hostetter of Ten Mile Creek who had died from wounds received at the Battle of Queenston Heights. Jacob and Dianna Hostetter are buried in the Warner Cemetery, Niagara Falls, Ont.

Seventeenth Annual Masters of Food and Wine Program 2003

A page from the program from the Seventeenth Annual Masters of Food and Wine ceremonies. Donald Ziraldo and Karl Kaiser are on the list of "Winemakers of 2003".

Invitation to the Funeral of Infant Henry Howard Woodruff

Invitation to the funeral of infant Henry Howard Woodruff on March 17, 1868. He was the son of Henry and Emma Woodruff. This is accompanied by an envelope. March 16, 1868.

Funeral invitation to the funeral of Mrs. W.H. Dickson at the residence of her husband the Honourable Walter Hamilton Dickson

Funeral invitation to the funeral of Mrs. W.H. Dickson at the residence of her husband the Honourable Walter Hamilton Dickson, to St. Mark’s Church, Niagara. The invitation was sent to Mr. Waters. The item is torn and mouldy but the text is not affected, March 6, 1855.

Some Incidents and Circumstances

- The first part of the document traces Mr. Haile’s lineage. His father, James Haile was a farmer. His grandfather, Amos Haile was a sailor for the early part of his life. He was placed on a British man-of- war in about 1758. He escaped and settled in Putney. (p.1) - His father’s mother’s maiden name was Parker. His mother’s maiden name was Campbell. Her father was a captain in the Revolutionary Army. (p.2) - His earliest memories revolve around the death of his aunt and the funeral of General Washington (although he did not witness this). At the time, his father was a Lieutenant in a regiment militia of Light Dragoons who wore red coats. (p.3) - In 1804, an addition was added to the Haile house which necessitated that William was to stay home to help with the building. He continued to study and read on his own. He was particularly interested in Napoleon Bonaparte’s victories. In that same year he was sent to Fairfield Academy where Reverend Caleb Alexander was the principal. (p.4) - On June 1, 1812, William was appointed as an Ensign in the Infantry of the Army of the United States. He was put into the recruiting service at Nassau (20 miles east of Albany) where he remained until September. (p.4) - He was assigned to the 11th Regiment of the W.S. Infantry and directed to proceed to Plattsburgh to report to Colonel Isaac Clark. (p.7) - He was assigned to the company commanded by Captain Samuel H. Halley who was not in the best of health and often absent. For a good part of the time William was in charge of the company. (p.8) - The 11th Regiment was encamped beside the 15th Regiment commanded by Col. Zebulon Montgomery Pike [Pike’s Peak was named after him]. Col. Pike generously drilled and disciplined the 11th Regiment since their officers didn’t seem capable of doing so. (p.8) - The first brigade to which William’s regiment was attached to was commanded by Brigadier General Bloomfield of New Jersey. Brigadier Chandler of Maine commanded the second brigade. (p.9) - At the beginning of November, Major General Dearborn took command of the army. He had been a good officer in his time, but William refers to him as “old and inefficient” earning him the nickname “Granny Dearborn” (p.9) - On November 17th, 1812, General Dearborn moved north with his army. The troops ended up in Champlain. There was no fighting, only a skirmish between a party of men under Colonel Pike and a few British troops who he succeeded in capturing. (p.10) - The troops were moved to barracks for the winter. Colonel Pike’s troops were put into suitable barracks and kept healthy but another part of the army (including the 11th Regiment) were sent to a barracks of green lumber north of Burlington. Disease soon broke out in the damp barracks and the hundreds of deaths soon followed. One morning, William counted 22 bodies who had died the previous night. He puts a lot of this down to an inexperienced commanding officer, General Chandler. (p.11) - At the beginning of 1813, William was stationed as a recruiter on the shore of Shoreham across from Fort Ticonderoga. In February, he returned to Burlington with his recruits. In March he received an order from General Chandler to proceed to Whitehall and take charge of the stores and provisions. In April and May it was decided that his half of the regiment (the First Battalion) should march to Sackett’s Harbour, Lake Ontario. They arrived at Sackett’s Harbour about the 10th of June, a few days after the Battle of Sackett’s Harbour. (p.12) - He was camped near the site of Fort Oswego and got word to head back to Sackett’s Harbour. A storm overtook the schooner that he was on. (p.14) - William was involved in the Battle of Williamsburg (or Chrysler’s Farm) which he calls a “stupid and bungling affair on the part of our generals”.(p. 18) - General Covington was wounded and died a few days after the battle. (p.19) - William speaks of being ill. The troops were ordered to march to Buffalo, but he is able to go to his father’s house in Fairfield where his mother nursed him back to health (p.23) - Upon arrival at Buffalo, the “old fogy Generals” were replaced with younger, more efficient men. (p.25) - On page 27 he sums up a few facts: In 1812, the army was assembled on Lake Champlain with the intention of capturing Montreal, and then Quebec. That year, under General Dearborn the army marched as far as Champlain, then turned back and went into winter quarters. In 1813, the army was assembled at Sackett’s Harbour and that year the campaign ended at French Mills which was 70 or 80 miles from Montreal. In 1814, the army at Buffalo were some 400 miles from Montreal with still the same object in view. - He says that these facts make “a riddle – difficult to explain”. (p.27) - On the evening of July 2nd they embarked on the boats with the objective of capturing Fort Erie. The enemy were all made prisoners of war (p.27) - On July 4th they went to Street’s Creek, 2 miles above the Chippewa [Chippawa] River (p.28) - Page 29 is titled The Battle of Chippewa [Chippawa] - He speaks of 2 drummers who were fighting over the possession of a drum when a cannonball came along and took of both of their heads (p.29) - He proclaims that this was one of the “most brilliant battles of the war”. The battle was fought and won in less than an hour after they left their tents. He credits General Scott with this success and states that was due to his rapid orders and movements. (p.30) - The dead of the battle remained on the field during the night. He describes this as quite gloomy seeing friend and foe lying side by side. At daybreak they set to work digging trenches to bury the dead. (p.31) - Colonel Campbell was wounded and advised to have his leg amputated. He refused, and subsequently died. (p.32) - It is said that the British threw several of their dead into the river and they went over the Falls. (p.32) - His troops repaired the bridge over Chippawa which the enemy had partially destroyed and then pursued the British as far as Queenston Heights. (p.32) - On pages 33 and 34 he speaks about meeting an old friend of his, Philip Harter. - The account ends at Queenston Heights

La signification des rites associés au décès de la personne soignée, pour des infirmières œuvrant en milieu hospitalier

Le phénomène de la mort a été et sera toujours présent au sein des sociétés. Bien que la mort soit une étape triste et pénible à vivre, elle n’en demeure pas moins un événement inévitable et bien réel. Cependant, il existe des moyens, comme la pratique des rites, permettant d’atténuer la souffrance causée par un décès. Malgré tout, il n’est pas rare de constater l’absence ou le peu de temps consacré aux rites lors d’un décès en milieu hospitalier (O’Gorman, 1998; Lemieux, 1991; Leonetti, 2004; Hamonet, 1992; Piquet, 1999; Hanus, 1999; Vachon, 2007; Hasendhal, 1998). Les raisons susceptibles d’être à l’origine de cette situation peuvent découler du fait que les progrès de la médecine et des technologies amènent à croire que l’être humain est invulnérable face à la mort et que celle-ci représente un échec vis-à-vis la maladie. Le manque de formation des soignants par rapport à la mort (Leonetti, 2004; Goopy, 2005; Blum, 2006) est aussi à considérer. Finalement, la tendance de certaines sociétés occidentales qui occultent et nient la mort (O’Gorman, 1998; Piquet, 1999; Matzo et al., 2001; MSSS, 2004; Leonetti, 2004; SFAP, 2005; Goopy, 2005) constitue une autre possibilité. Pourtant, offrir la possibilité aux familles de réaliser leurs rites en signe d’amour pour le défunt fait partie de la composante du soin spirituel lequel, est intégré dans les soins infirmiers. À notre connaissance, peu d’études ont exploré les rites dans un contexte de décès en milieu hospitalier, d’où la pertinence de s’y attarder. Ainsi, le but de la recherche consistait à décrire et à comprendre la signification des rites associés au décès de la personne soignée, pour des infirmières œuvrant en milieu hospitalier. Pour ce faire, l’étudiante-chercheuse a réalisé auprès de neufs infirmières, une étude qualitative de type phénoménologique, ayant comme perspective disciplinaire, la philosophie du caring de Watson (1979, 1988, 2006, 2008). L’analyse des verbatim, réalisée selon la méthodologie de Giorgi (1997), a permis d’obtenir 28 sous-thèmes émergeant des six thèmes suivant soit : a) accompagnement empreint de caring; b) respect incontesté de la dignité humaine et du caractère sacré des rites; c) réconfort spirituel des personnes, des familles et du personnel; d) conciliation des croyances culturelles et religieuses; e) mort comme phénomène existentiel; f) barrières face aux rites. Par la suite, a émergé de ces thèmes, l’essence de la signification des rites associés au décès de la personne soignée, pour des infirmières œuvrant en milieu hospitalier. L’essence correspond à : un hommage essentiel envers le défunt et sa famille, en dépit des nombreuses barrières qui freinent sa pratique. Plusieurs thèmes et sous-thèmes corroborent les résultats de quelques études et les propos théoriques de différents auteurs. Toutefois, le caractère inédit de quelques unes de nos conclusions révèle la nature novatrice de la présente recherche. Par conséquent, les résultats de cette étude peuvent sensibiliser les infirmières à comprendre les rites en milieu hospitalier et offrir des pistes d’interventions pouvant contribuer au renouvellement des pratiques de soins offerts en fin de vie. Enfin, accompagner les familles dans leur pratique des rites concourt certainement à promouvoir l’humanisation des soins.

Desert and Distributive Efficiency

It is highly desirable for an allocation of goods to be efficient. However, one might also deem it important that an allocation gives individuals what they deserve. This paper investigates whether it is possible for an allocation to be both efficient and give people what they deserve. It will first of all consider comparative desert, and conclude that it is possible to satisfy both desiderata. It will then consider absolute desert by integrating Shelly Kagan’s work on desert and economic theory. The conclusion will be that there are potential conflicts between absolute desert and efficiency. The paper will then examine how to select the best compromise between the two values, considering several different conceptions of absolute desert.

Blood, fire and fertility : human remains and ritual practices at the temple pyramid groups of Cantona, Puebla, Mexico

La ville préhispanique de Cantona, située dans la vallée d’Oriental dans l’état de Puebla au Mexique, atteignit sa première apogée culturelle entre 150 av. J.C. et 600/650 A.D. Durant cette période, des complexes cérémoniaux comprenant des groupes de pyramides-temples et des terrains de jeu de balle furent construits. Ces installations servirent au déroulement de nombreux rites au cours desquels les victimes de sacrifices étaient décapitées, démembrées, décharnées, écorchées, bouillies, brûlées et, dans certains cas, consommées. D’autres traitements du corps humain comportent l’inhumation d’individus en position assise et repliés sur eux-mêmes. Pour mieux comprendre le traitement mortuaire rituel des corps humains à Cantona, les découvertes faites sur place sont comparées aux données datant de la même époque obtenues dans trois régions voisines : la vallée de Mexico, Puebla-Tlaxcala et le golfe du Mexique. A partir de ces renseignements, on peut en déduire que la majorité des découvertes faites à Cantona sont les restes des dépouilles et offrandes provenant de rites destinés à la communication avec les dieux et à l’obtention de la fertilité, tandis que les dépouilles des individus en position assise appartiennent à des prêtres ou à des personnages religieux.

Native Spiritual Appropriation : Words of Power, Relations of Power - Creating Stories & Identities

L'appropriation culturelle possède une diffusion très large et est un phénomène essentiellement intemporel. L'appropriation culturelle est définie comme «the taking- from a culture that is not one’s own- of intellectual property, cultural expressions or artifacts, history and ways of knowledge» (Ziff et Rao 1997: 1). Cela comprend tous les aspects de la spiritualité, les objets sacrés, des valeurs, des histoires et des rites. L'appropriation est étroitement liée aux relations de pouvoir et à la politique. Avec la montée de la popularité du chamanisme et du néo-chamanisme dans la société occidentale, les peuples amérindiens de l'Amérique du Nord (ou d’Australie) expriment leurs inquiétudes et leur désapprobation en ce qui concerne l’appropriation de leurs cérémonies, rituels et croyances sacrées par les Occidentaux. Par le discours contre l'appropriation, les populations autochtones (re)gagnent et (re)créent une identité qui avait été négligée, supprimée et assimilée au cours de la colonisation. Cette création identitaire s’effectue par l'intermédiaire de l'écriture, dans les milieux universitaires, aussi non-académiques, et le partage des pratiques rituelles avec d'autres autochtones (pan amérindianisme). Les auteurs autochtones contestent le statu quo et désirent contribuer à faire avancer le débat concernant l'appropriation spirituelle, les relations de pouvoir et le néo-colonialisme. Les arguments et les opinions concernant l'appropriation spirituelle présentés ici traitent de génocide culturel, d’abus sexuels, de néo-colonialisme, de non-respect et d'inquiétude face aux dangers liés à une mauvaise utilisation des rituels et autres pratiques sacrées. Ce débat est lié au processus de guérison en contexte amérindien (Episkenew 2009). En participant à ce débat sur l'appropriation spirituelle, les peuples autochtones sont activement engagés dans la (re)définition de leur identité. C'est cet engagement actif qui permet à la guérison d’avoir lieu. Ce mémoire aborde quelques-uns des auteurs autochtones contemporains et examine leurs écrits. L'importance de l'histoire et du mot dans la création identitaire est explorée. L’analyse de certains textes portant sur la médecine, la sociologie, la religion et la culture de consommation rend explicite le lien entre identité et politique.