Cerámicas de época celtibérica en la Edad del Hierro asturiana

Este artículo pretende simplemente reinterpretar ciertas cerámicas procedentes de yacimientos asturianos, las cuales han sido publicadas previamente y cuya orientación cronológica o cultural, según los casos, permite ofrecer en el momento actual nuevas precisiones o interpretaciones.

Producción cerámica en Catalunya en la Edad del Bronce: el ejemplo de la cueva de Les Pixarelles

La cerámica aparecida en la cueva de Les Pixarelles proporciona un conjunto ideal para estudiar la evolución de las producciones cerámicas desde la fase final del Neolítico hasta el Bronce final en Catalunya. El estudio diacrónico de las cerámicas se ha basado en la combinación del estudio tipológico y estilístico y en un estudio petrográfico que ha permitido caracterizar diversas fábricas. Las diferencias observadas responden a la utilización de diversas materias primas y a la utilización de diferentes técnicas de preparación de pasta que revelan una interesante complejidad para la producción cerámica de la zona.

"El Barranc de Gàfols" (Ginestar, Tarragona) y "Aldovesta" (Benifallet, Tarragona): estudio arqueozoológico como base de teorización sobre la dieta humana a principios de la Edad del Hierro y la complejidad económica en el curso bajo del Ebro.

En relación a trabajos recientes sobre los patrones de poblamiento protohistórico en el curso bajo del Ebro y la causalidad económica (Asensio el alii, 1996/ Mascort el alii, 1991), decidimos plantear un estudio que nutriera dichas hipótesis mediante el análisis arqueozoológico de dos yacimientos culturalmente contemporáneos y de cronologías sucesivas, ubicados a orillas de este río.

Estrategias para afrontar el envejecimiento y diferencias asociadas a la edad: una aproximación a través del análisis de contenido.

El objeto del presente estudio es examinar la naturaleza de las estrategias que las personas consideran a la hora de afrontar el envejecimiento, adenzás de comprobar la presencia de posibles efectos asociados a la edad en la preferencia por unas o por otras. Se entrevistaron 48 personas (16 jóvenes, 16 de mediana edad y 16 mayores) y se aplic6 un análisis de contenido a las respuestas obtenidas. Los resultados indican que existe una gran variedad de estrategias, algunas orientadas a la acción externa, otras al cambio cognitivo y que, en general, las personas consideran simultáneamente tanto unas como otras. En ciranto a las diferencias en función de la edad. las Dersonas mavores tienden a mencionar más estritegias internas que 10s jóvenes, aunque esta tendencia nofue estadísticanzente si~nificativaE. n concreto. 10s ióvenes mencionan esvecialmente la actividaYd como modo de afrontar eienvejecimiento, mienbus que 10s mavores aluden ma's frecuentemente a la tranauilidad.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

¿Realmente desean jubilarse los trabajadores? : una aproximación al deseo de jubilarse según la categoría laboral, la edad y los años cotizados

La edad de cese de la actividad laboral de las personas ocupadas presenta fuertes variaciones entre los países europeos. En una primera observación, esta variabilidad podría atribuirse a que la edad legal de jubilación no es la misma en todos ellos. Sin embargo, las pocas investigaciones que existen en España al respecto indican que las causas que impulsan o frenan el deseo de jubilarse no sólo están directamente ligadas a los límites legales que establecen los países, sino a otro tipo de variables. Una investigación en curso pretende conocer cuáles son las principales causas que inducen a que los trabajadores asalariados deseen retirarse de la actividad «lo más pronto posible». El objetivo es doble. En una primera etapa, se trataría de detectar cuáles son esas causas y cómo actúan en tanto que factores de expulsión o prolongación en el mercado laboral de los trabajadores asalariados de 50 o más años. En una segunda etapa, se trataría de comparar esos resultados con los de otros países europeos. Concretamente, con los datos que, desde su primera publicación en 2004, proporciona la encuesta SHARE (Survey of Health Ageing and Retirement), dirigida por la Universidad de Mannheim, cuyo principal objetivo es la creación de un observatorio permanente de las condiciones socioeconómicas y sanitarias de la población de diez países europeos, incluido España.

Habitos de higiene en la población escolar y adulta española

De acuerdo a la evidencia científica existente, el control de la placa bacteriana (mecánico y químico) acompañado del uso de fluoruros tópicos se establece como la base en el mantenimiento de una dentadura sana. La Federación Dental Internacional (FDI) establece el cepillado dental con una pasta dental fluorada dos veces por día como el patrón básico de higiene dental personal, pudiendo ser mejorado con el uso de elementos adicionales de higiene interproximal (como la seda dental o los cepillos interproximales) o de colutorios (antisépticos o fluorados). Material y método: se recopila información acerca de los hábitos de higiene oral de la población española (escolar y adulta) provenientes de cuestionarios de salud junto a datos de estudios de mercado de venta de productos (cepillos y colutorios) y se relacionan con la epidemiología de caries y enfermedad periodontal. Resultados: los hábitos de higiene dental personal en España, pese a una positiva evolución en los últimos años, aún se encuentran lejos del patrón de excelencia deseable y a la cola de los países desarrollados. Conclusión: para conseguir una mejor salud oral de la población española deben mejorarse los hábitos de higiene oral.

Estudio del postoperatorio de 100 terceros molares mandibulares incluidos, en relación a la edad, el sexo, el tabaco y la higiene bucal

La extracción del tercer molar inferior incluido provoca efectos secundarios como dolor, inflamación y trismo. Presentamos un estudio cuyo objetivo fue relacionar la edad, el sexo, el tabaco y la higiene oral con el postoperatorio de 100 de terceros molares inferiores incluidos. La edad, el sexo y el consumo de tabaco no influyeron significativamente en el postoperatorio. Sólo hallamos una correlación estadísticamente significativa entre la higiene oral y el dolor a las 6 horas de la exodoncia.

Estimativa de la edad y peso a la primera monta de novillas en el Pantanal brasileño

Esto trabajo tuvo como objetivo estimar la edad y peso a la primera monta de novillas de las razas Nelore (N), Pantaneira (P) y Mestizas Pantaneira x Nelore (PxN). Se utilizó un total de 98 hembras, siendo 51, 24 y 23 pertenecientes a las razas N, P y PxN, respectivamente. El análisis estadístico de los datos no reveló diferencia significativa (P = 0,3595) para el peso a la primera monta entre las razas estudiadas. El análisis de varianza no reveló diferencia significativa (P = 0,307) entre las edades a la primera monta entre razas, mostrando 3,5, 3,4 y 3,2 años para las novillas P, N y ½PxN, respectivamente.

¿Activos desde cuándo? la edad de acceso al mercado de trabajo en la España del siglo XVIII

Este trabajo trata sobre la edad a la que niños y niñas accedían al trabajo remunerado en la España del siglo XVIII. Utilizando como fuente los Memoriales del Catastro de Ensenada (1751-1753), se propone la edad de diez años como edad media de acceso, a partir de la cual se puede calcular la tasa de actividad. La Mancha era una región rica en industria rural, sobre todo de manufacturas textiles, que abastecían al mercado madrileño, el de otras ciudades e incluso al colonial, y que generaban una fuerte demanda de trabajo femenino. Esta estructura productiva explica por qué las niñas se incorporaban al trabajo remunerado antes que los niños, por qué eran escolarizadas desde muy pequeñas en las ‘escuelas de labor’ y no en las escuelas de primeras letras como los niños, y por qué, en definitiva, sus tasas de alfabetización un siglo después eran inferiores a la ya muy baja media femenina española. En la España del siglo XVIII mujeres y niñas estaban masivamente empleadas en las manufacturas, sobre todo textiles, como ocurría en gran parte de Europa. Entender y contabilizar el trabajo realizado por mujeres y niñas, mucho más difundido de lo que se cree habitualmente, y centrado en manufacturas y servicios, transforma nuestra visión de la estructura de la actividad en la España pre-industrial, normalmente identificada con el trabajo agrícola y ganadero.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.