651 resultados para Democratization


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Considerando que a análise do grau de democratização das relações civis- militares, conforme proposto por Barany (2012) está diretamente associada à análise das interações entre Estado e Forças Armadas; sociedade e Forças Armadas; e Estado e sociedade, e ainda, que o Brasil se encontra em estágio sólido de democratização, este trabalho buscou avaliar a influência política da Força Aérea Brasileira nas relações civis- militares, por meio de três aspectos: (1) a análise do orçamento da Força Aérea em relação ao Exército Brasileiro e a Marinha do Brasil, de 2004 a 2014, (2) a participação da Força Aérea em cargos do Executivo, comparada às demais Forças, de 2012 a 2013, e (3) a interação da Força Aérea com a Academia atualmente. A suposição de que a Força Aérea possui menos influência política em relação ao Exército e à Marinha foi rejeitada, por não terem sido identificadas evidências de precedência política de uma Força em relação às outras, nas medidas analisadas.

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A partir da redemocratização, as Forças Armadas passaram a assumir de forma cada vez mais frequente atividades estranhas à sua função precípua de defesa externa. Esse estudo pretendeu analisar o caso da Marinha do Brasil, e avaliar o impacto, para a Força, da assunção de funções subsidiárias. Para isso, foram coletados dados sobre a parcela de recursos provisionados à Marinha, para o financiamento de tais atividades, e sobre o quantitativo de pessoal e meios da Força Naval reservados ao cumprimento dessas missões. Os dados orçamentários foram levantados através de consulta ao Sistema do Plano Diretor, sistema informatizado específico da Marinha do Brasil. Os dados estatísticos foram extraídos do Anuário Estatístico da Marinha 2013/2014; do Memento nº 68 do Ministério da Defesa; junto às Organizações Militares da Marinha; em pesquisas realizadas nos sites da intranet e em publicações da Força Naval. Os resultados evidenciam que houve um crescimento considerável dos recursos destinados ao financiamento das atividades subsidiárias, ao longo do período 2001-2014, mais evidente a partir do governo Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e perpassando o mandato de Dilma Rousseff. Apesar disso, eles somam apenas 2% dos valores destinados à Força Naval em 2014, fatia que revela-se modesta diante da mobilização de pessoal e meios operativos necessários ao cumprimento dessas funções. Concluiu-se que o exercício de funções domésticas gera impactos negativos no aprestamento da Força, além de comprometer a qualidade da democracia, ao incentivar a ampliação da atuação militar no universo civil.

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A presente dissertação tem como objeto de pesquisa as políticas públicas de democratização do ensino criadas após a Constituição Federal de 1988. Com as teorias de direito e desenvolvimento e a educação superior como pano de fundo, pretende-se relacionar aspectos do direito e políticas públicas sob o enfoque institucional, buscando compreender a realidade dos programas ProUni, Reuni, Fies e Lei de Cotas. Questiona-se, com base em uma em uma metodologia jurídica das políticas públicas, como são construídos os programas para democratização do acesso ao ensino superior tendo em vista os planos macro, meso e microinstitucional como definido por Bucci e como funcionam as ações governamentais de inclusão nas instituições superiores de ensino público e privado. A pesquisa possibilitou constatar que faltam arranjos mesoinstitucionais que coordenem as políticas, tornando-as complementares e mais coerentes entre si, Não foram encontradas agregações institucionais exclusivas para as políticas de acesso ao ensino superior.

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This paper, first, situates the nation-state historically, as a product of the capitalist revolution. Second, it distinguishes the state (the law system and the organization that guarantees it) from the nation-state or country (the territorial political unit formed by a nation, a state and a territory). Third, it defines nation, civil society and class coalitions, understanding that they are forms of society politically organized, which role is to act as intermediary between society and the state. Fourth, it uses these concepts plus the ones of relative autonomy and of anteriority to understand the ever changing relation between the state and society, where in early moments the state or its elites assumed the lead, and later, as democratization takes place, the protagonist role changed gradually to the people. The paper emphasizes the class coalitions, and argues that behind the two basic forms or economic and political organization of capitalism – developmentalism and economic liberalism – there are the correspondent class coalitions

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Partindo da constatação de que o Brasil acompanha hoje um fenômeno global de protagonismo das cortes supremas nas sociedades complexas contemporâneas, notadamente na criação de políticas-públicas e regulação, o estudo procura mapear a evolução – e progressiva democratização – de uma estrutura de freios e contrapesos prevista na Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988 (“Constituição”), qual seja, o processo de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Ao longo do texto é analisada a arquitetura institucional e constitucional do processo de indicação e aprovação de novos ministros, bem como exemplificadas mudanças no perfil dos atores políticos, no plexo de competências das instituições envolvidas e no contexto social, político, econômico e cultural que forçaram a transformação prática do modelo de seleção institucional, sem alteração, no entanto, da formatação originalmente prevista desde o Século XIX. Mapeando a origem e evolução da fórmula constitucional de colaboração entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo para a escolha dos membros da cúpula do Poder Judiciário, o estudo identifica a origem do modelo brasileiro na inspiração da experiência norte-americana, descrevendo esta e os paralelos possíveis com aquele. A partir do marco central da Constituição, o trabalho procura demonstrar uma progressiva mobilização de atores políticos e sociais em relação ao processo de escolha, notadamente em relação ao momento em que os indicados para o Supremo Tribunal Federal são sabatinados pela Comissão de Constituição, Justiça e Cidadania do Senado Federal. Finalmente, são analisadas concretamente as sabatinas e algumas das suas principais discussões, buscando extrair lições que sirvam de norte colaborativo para a evolução da forma de seleção dos ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal, inclusive como instrumento de controle prévio de seus membros, futuros elaboradores de políticas-públicas.

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O objetivo principal desta pesquisa consiste em identificar os impactos do uso de Tecnologia de Informação (TI) e os possíveis benefícios dele decorrentes na gestão institucional no ensino superior. Verifica-se que o ensino superior, em âmbito mundial, vem passando por uma série de mudanças resultantes, principalmente, do processo de globalização, do avanço e da democratização de acesso à TI. Postula-se que o uso de TI em diferentes contextos organizacionais pode promover a percepção de certos benefícios, geralmente vinculados ao ganho de performance, à integração das informações e ao acesso a uma série de dados indispensáveis ao processo de gestão. Com o intuito de estabelecer uma maior compreensão acerca da gestão institucional no ensino superior, foram indicados os processos de gestão institucional, de gestão acadêmica e de gestão administrativa, tendo como base o modelo das dimensões e dos componentes da educação. Quanto à gestão institucional no ensino superior apoiada pelo uso de TI, foram identificados os níveis de uso de TI nas instituições que serviram de base para o desenvolvimento da pesquisa e os benefícios dele decorrentes. Ao final da tese, verifica-se que o uso de TI é fundamental para a integração da gestão acadêmica e da gestão administrativa e pode agregar certos benefícios à gestão institucional no ensino superior, tais como flexibilidade, inovação, qualidade, produtividade e otimização de custos.

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The State and Public Administration have gone through several reforms in search of a quick operation and the provision of services with quality. With the democratization of the country and the issue of the Constitution in 1988, further reform of the State and Public Administration, joined the government agenda in 1995 and included among its objectives, the principles of participation and social control. In view of this, it raises the Public Ombudsman in order to be a channel for the participation of users in the management of public affairs, social control, transparency of administrative actions, improving the quality of service and meeting the needs of the community. The aim of this study is to assess whether the Ombudsman of the State Department of Public Health to contribute to the period 2006-2008, for the improvement of specialized consulting services. The research is characterized as descriptive, qualitative approach. The collection technique used was the interview, conducted with 37 service users and two servants of the Ombudsman. The analysis was developed based on the perception of users and servers in the opinion of the Ombudsman. The most relevant results of the research showed that 41% of users search the Ombudsman because they believed that solve the problem presented. However, even with this level of public acceptance, the Ombudsman reached average index of resolvability of 53% in the period. In his role has not developed mechanisms for quality control of services, which is mentioned by 67% of users. It turned out the same fact in relation to popular participation, which is confirmed by 84% of users. For 24% of users, the problems raised were resolved, and of these, 56% believe that the Ombudsman has contributed to the positive outcome. As a result of the search results, it appears that the Ombudsman's SESPA / PA, is not fulfilling its role to ensuring the democratization of articipation in management, social control and has limited contribution to solving the problems of users and to improve the quality of services

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This thesis pursuits to contextualize the theoretical debate between the implementation of public education policy of the Federal Government focused in a distance learning and legal foundations for its enforcement, in order to raise questions and comments on the topic in question. Its importance is back to provide scientific input and can offer to the academy, particularly in the UFRN, and elements of society to question and rethink the complex relationship between the socio-economic and geographic access to higher education. It consists of a descriptive study on the institutionalization of distance education in UFRN as a mechanism for expanding access to higher education, for both, the research seeks to understand if the distance undergraduate courses offered by the UAB system and implemented at UFRN, promote expanding access to higher education, as it is during implementation that the rules, routines and social processes are converted from intentions to action. The discussion of this study lasted between two opposing views of Implementation models: Top-down and Bottom-up. It is worth noting that the documents PNE, PDE and programs and UAB MEETING reflect positively in improving the educational level of the population of the country It is a qualitative study, using the means Bibliographic, Document and Field Study, where they were performed 04 (four) in 2010 interviews with the management framework SEDIS / UAB in UFRN. The data were analyzed and addressed through techniques: Document Analysis and Content Analysis. The results show that the process of implementation of distance education at UFRN is in progress. According to our results, the research objective is achieved, but there was a need to rethink the conditions of the infrastructure of poles, the structure of the academic calendar, the management of the SEDIS UFRN, regarding the expansion of existing vacancies and the supply of new courses by the need for a redesign as the Secretariat's ability to hold the offerings of undergraduate courses offered by the Federal Government to be implemented in the institution. It was also found that levels of evasion still presents a challenge to the teaching model. Given the context, we concluded that the greatest contribution of UAB and consequently UFRN by distance learning for undergraduate courses (Bachelor in Mathematics, Physics, Chemistry, Geography and Biological Sciences, beyond the bachelor's degrees in Business and Public Administration ) is related to increasing the number of vacancies and accessibility of a population that was previously deprived of access to university

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Since the emergence of the first demands for actions that were intended to give greater attention to culture in Brazil, came the first discussions which concerned the way the Brazilian government could have a positive influence in encouraging the culture, as is its interaction with the actors interested and involved with the cause. During the military dictatorship, there were programs which relied on the direct participation of the State to ensure that right, from the viewpoint of its support and implementation of public resources in developing the "cultural product" to be brought to society in its various forms of expression - all this, funded by the government. It is an example of "EMBRAFILMES" and "Projeto Seis e Meia", continued until the present day in some regions of the country, though maintained by entities not directly connected with the administration or the government. However, it was from the period of democratization and the end of the dictatorship that the Brazilian government began to look at the different culture, under its guarantee to the society. Came the first incentive laws, led by "Lei Sarney" Nº 7.505/86, which was culture as a segment which could receive foreign assistance in order to assist the government in fulfilling its public duty. After Collor era and the end of the embargo through the encouragement of culture incentive laws, consolidated the incentive model proposed in advance of Culture "Lei Sarney" and the federal laws, state and local regimentares as close to this action. This applies to the Rouanet Law (Lei Rouanet), Câmara Cascudo Law (Lei Câmara Cascudo) and Djalma Maranhão Cultural Incentive Law (Lei de Incentivo à Cultura Djalma Maranhão), existing in Natal and Rio Grande do Norte. Since then, business entities could help groups and cultural organizations to keep their work from the political sponsorship under control and regiment through the Brazilian state in the form of their Cultural Incentive Law. This framework has contributed to the strengthening of NGOs and with the consolidation of these institutions as the linchpin of Republican guaranteeing the right to access to culture, but corporate social responsibility was the one who took off in the segment treated here, through the actions of Responsibility Cultural enterprises arising from the Cultural Organizations. Therefore, in the face of this discourse, this study ascertains the process of encouraging the Culture in Rio Grande do Norte from the Deviant Case Analysis at the Casa da Ribeira, the main Cultural Organization that operates, focused action in Natal in order to assess the relationships established between the same entity and the institutions which are entitled to maintain the process of encouraging treated in this study - Enterprise, from the viewpoint of corporate sponsorship and Cultural Responsibility and State in the form of the Laws Incentive Funds and Public Culture Incentive

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Objective: To evaluate the implementation of the Family Health Strategy (FHS) in Brazilian cities of the Northeast, expanding coverage, analyzing the progress, challenges and innovations. Methods: Multicentric Evaluation Research, Studies Baselines in urban centers, using as a case study method. Selected cases of Aracaju, being capital, advanced coverage with extended team, and Fortaleza, capital coverage incipient and minimal staff. In Fortaleza, purposive sample of 11 Units Primary (APS), 03 managers, 53 professionals and 109 users. In Aracaju, 09 units of APS, 02 managers, 36 professionals, and 90 users. Structured interviews for managers, and structured to professionals and users. Descriptive analysis focusing on the political and institutional dimensions, organization and comprehensive care. Results: There was consensus that the ESF is the preferred port users and acts as inducing changes in care. In the case of Fortaleza, the specificities were: care protocols and community activities aimed at chronic conditions (100%) , with greater participation of doctors and nurses (93%) ; conjunction with more complex services, but the teams reported difficulties with the examination center and experts, the long waits and poor access to local services were the main difficulties reported by users., As innovative practice, the therapeutic group of elderly caregivers mentioned by respondents; There was intersectoral initiatives and teams 87 % of users have participated in meetings about health problems. In the case of Aracaju, care protocols were directed to the lines of care and formulated locally, 85 % coverage of the population with FHS counterpart local financing; employees hired by public tender; 70 % of teams with expertise in public health center for continuing education acting; democratization in management; access technologies, welcoming and computerization in different integrated networks, and evaluation matrix. Conclusions: The ESF has promoted access to health care and inclusion of disadvantaged populations. Different perceptions and practices in the organization of care, with distinct trajectories of reorganization. In the case of Fortaleza, predominance of model programs valuing older, with evidence of advances in care practices and teamwork, but restricted to primary care practices and incipient in public policy perspective. In Aracaju, had network integration with technologies related to the family, in which the ESF is consolidated as public policy. It can be argued that the XII APS expanding coverage, exhibited efficacy, despite the challenges inherent to the different degrees of implementation

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This research is responsible for the investigation and problematization of the violence production process in children and teenagers through deviant behaviour, especially the drug s use and traffic, given that the deviant behaviour named juvenile criminality is something built and that can t be disassociated from the social and institutional relations that are ideological and violent, as well as the construction of, social and individual, positive identities can become important instruments for the process of democratization and the effective juvenile citizenship. In relation to the teorical referential, the work was developed from readings beyond the social science camp, without getting far from it, searching for support in other scientific camps and making your bases on Manuel Castells formulations about the power of the identity, and on Nancy Fraser and Axel Honneth in relation to the recognition struggle. In the empiric field, the discourses and graphic representations from twenty four children and teenagers that attend a social project were privileged, and compared to those shown at the documentary and the book Falcão Meninos do Tráfico produced by MV Bill, in relation to the social profile and life trajectory. From the study subjects' perspective, the data suggest that the children and the teenagers conceive violence as a natural thing, either as victims or persecutors. However, the research shows that, despite the subjects of the two studied groups reveled in your discourses the influence of the violent relations in their daily lives, the subjects got recognition during the process of identity construction by the groups with which they maintained the sense of belonging, either it being the family, the community or the school, they were positively influenced and established a positive representation of themselves and didn t show any deviant and violent tendency or behaviour. Therefore, we demonstrate the role of the school for an education for peace, as well as the participation of the family, the community and the stimulation of the juvenile protagonism as transforming practices, capable of awaking the citizenship and avoiding the construction of people that reproduce deviant and violent behaviour

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This work aims to study the performance of Juizados Especiais Fedrais (JEF) in Rio Grande do Norte and its contribution to the facilitation of access to justice by ordinary citizens. Created in 2001, the JEF looks simplify and reduce the procedural steps and reduce the number of appeals referred to the courts so that justice is possible to provide a more agile. In this sense, are designed to contribute to the democratization of access to justice. In Rio Grande do Norte, the JEF was established and began operating in January 2002, serving in causes civil pension. From 2005, the Court began to receive all types of civil cases and have a virtual system of processing of cases. Among the methodological procedures used in conducting research, highlight the documentary survey in the virtual site of the Federal Justice of RN, to obtain data on the shares tried and sentenced in the years 2005, 2006 and 2007, using the quantitative research. Were also conducted interviews with federal judges, using the qualitative research method. Among the results, we conclude that the Juizado Especial Federal in Rio Grande do Norte is complying with its objective of making justice more accessible and responsive to ordinary citizens, especially the short time that an action leads to the entry in the Court to be given the sentence

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The World has tried diverse democratic waves at distinct moments. Some nations have adopted the idea of the democracy for years; others have not yet and other ones are still in a slow process of transition. The field of studies on the Arabian political systems has testified since the last quarter of 20th century a notorious development. This advance disclosed in the existence of a set of trends that has turned around a number of concepts and main theoretical frames such as the political pluralism and the democratic transition and the civil society and its relation with the State. The speech on the process of democratic transition consists in part in the capture and the analysis of the role of the forces and the organizations of the civil society in this process. The peculiarities of the Arab World excite questions concerning the establishment of one governmental system in this universe in the mold of that one that develops with hegemony in the Occident, which has become an interesting field of inquiries for the Political Science. This study comprises the analysis of some aspects of the political situation in the Arab World towards the process of democratization in which Egypt and Lebanon are models of study. Thus the theoretical basis of the term democracy is introduced, presenting different considerations about this expression, since the sprouting of the term until its current conception; later the civil society is analyzed as well as the systems of the political parties and the electoral systems of both countries in attempt to identify the level of democratization existing there and also to find the possible ways to magnify the democratic horizons