Naomi Block Manners Stern collection of Eleanor Roosevelt correspondence undated, 1941-1962, 1972, 1974, 1976, 1984, 2003

This collection is mainly composed of correspondence between Ms. Stern and Mrs. Roosevelt, spanning the years from their first acquaintance in 1941 to Mrs. Roosevelt's decease in 1962. Letters that hold particular interest concern Ms. Stern's experience at the Summer Student Leadership Institute, and the White House. Additional material in the collection encompasses articles, newsclippings, programs, press releases, and photographs. The articles and newsclippings folder contains information pertaining to Ms. Stern's college career, the first Summer Student Leadership Institute, Mrs. Roosevelt's talk at Community Day, National Youth Association, and a donation of an ambulance to the war effort by Hunter college students. Naomi Block Manners Stern personal folder contains an article Naomi Block wrote in her college magazine, "Echo," describing her perceptions of President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill during her first visit at the White House. Also included is her graduation program, listing Mrs. Roosevelt as the main speaker, a commemoration of President Roosevelt in 1972 in which Ms. Stern took part, an article and press release describing Ms. Stern's career at Revlon, and a 2003 written summary of Ms. Stern's relationship with Mrs. Roosevelt. Photographs were taken by Naomi Block and others at the Summer Leadership Institute in 1941 portray identified fellow students, Mrs. Roosevelt, James Roosevelt, the Roosevelt home in Campobello, and Felix Frankfurter.

Industrial Removal Office records undated, 1899-1922

Contains Board of Directors minutes (1903, 1907), Executive Committee minutes (1907), Removal Committee minutes (1903-1917), Annual Reports (1910, 1913), Monthly Reports (1901-1919), Monthly Bulletins (1914-1915), studies of those removed, Bressler's "The Removal Work, Including Galveston," and several papers relating to the IRO and immigration. Financial papers include a budget (1914), comparative per capita cost figures (1909-1922), audits (1915-1918), receipts and expenditures (1918-1922), investment records, bank balances (1907-1922), removal work cash book (1904-1911), office expenses cash account (1903-1906), and the financial records of other agencies working with the IRO (1906). Includes also removal case records of first the Jewish Agricultural Society (1899-1900), and then of the IRO (1901-1922) when it took over its work, family reunion case records (1901-1904), and the follow-up records of persons removed to various cities (1903-1914). Contains also the correspondence of traveling agents' contacts throughout the U.S. from 1905-1914, among them Stanley Bero, Henry P. Goldstein, Philip Seman, and Morris D. Waldman.

Aaron Lopez papers, undated, 1752-1794, 1846, 1852, 1953.

Contains approximately 6800 manuscripts arranged chronologically by year for years 1752-1794. Approximately 100 are letters received or written by Lopez, his partner and father-in-law, Jacob Rodriguez Rivera, members of his family and company, and commercial agents pertaining to business activities and sailing orders for the captains of various ships. Several also refer to personal matters and acquaintances, including a series of six letters from Silas Cooke of White Hall (Middletown), R.I., to Aaron Lopez, asking his aid in returning a run-away slave (1776). The great majority of the collection consists of account records, bills of sale, orders, shipping agreements, lists of sailors on the various ships, repair records and cargo invoices. Of particular interest are a receipt for payment of a half-year's subscription to the "tzedakah" of Congregation Nefutzei Israel, Newport (1755) and several documents that reveal Lopez as a supplier of kosher meat and other religious articles to people in various parts of the colonies, Surinam, and Jamaica. Also included in this group are copies of sailing lists, documents pertaining to Lopez's naturalization which shed light upon the status of a Jew applying for citizenship in Massachusetts and a check to Lopez from the United States government for a loan made during the Revolutionary War (1779).

Hendricks-Tobias business correspondence undated, 1802-1889

The bulk of the collection consists of correspondence to Hendricks & Brothers, 1833[?]-1851. Also included are business cards from various Hendricks-Tobias family enterprises, correspondence to Harmon Hendricks, and correspondence to several members of the Tobias family. The collection is arranged in four series. See finding aid for more information.

Paleomagnetic and rock magnetic study with emphasis on the Precambrian intrusions and impact structures in Fennoscandia and South Africa

The importance of supercontinents in our understanding of the geological evolution of the planet Earth has been recently emphasized. The role of paleomagnetism in reconstructing lithospheric blocks in their ancient paleopositions is vital. Paleomagnetism is the only quantitative tool for providing ancient latitudes and azimuthal orientations of continents. It also yields information of content of the geomagnetic field in the past. In order to obtain a continuous record on the positions of continents, dated intrusive rocks are required in temporal progression. This is not always possible due to pulse-like occurrences of dykes. In this work we demonstrate that studies of meteorite impact-related rocks may fill some gaps in the paleomagnetic record. This dissertation is based on paleomagnetic and rock magnetic data obtained from samples of the Jänisjärvi impact structure (Russian Karelia, most recent 40Ar-39Ar age of 682 Ma), the Salla diabase dyke (North Finland, U-Pb 1122 Ma), the Valaam monzodioritic sill (Russian Karelia, U-Pb 1458 Ma), and the Vredefort impact structure (South Africa, 2023 Ma). The paleomagnetic study of Jänisjärvi samples was made in order to obtain a pole for Baltica, which lacks paleomagnetic data from 750 to ca. 600 Ma. The position of Baltica at ca. 700 Ma is relevant in order to verify whether the supercontinent Rodinia was already fragmented. The paleomagnetic study of the Salla dyke was conducted to examine the position of Baltica at the onset of supercontinent Rodinia's formation. The virtual geomagnetic pole (VGP) from Salla dyke provides hints that the Mesoproterozoic Baltica - Laurentia unity in the Hudsonland (Columbia, Nuna) supercontinent assembly may have lasted until 1.12 Ga. Moreover, the new VGP of Salla dyke provides new constraint on the timing of the rotation of Baltica relative to Laurentia (e.g. Gower et al., 1990). A paleomagnetic study of the Valaam sill was carried out in order to shed light into the question of existence of Baltica-Laurentia unity in the supercontinent Hudsonland. Combined with results from dyke complex of the Lake Ladoga region (Schehrbakova et al., 2008) a new robust paleomagnetic pole for Baltica is obtained. This pole places Baltica on a latitude of 10°. This low latitude location is supported also by Mesoproterozoic 1.5 1.3 Ga red-bed sedimentation (for example the Satakunta sandstone). The Vredefort impactite samples provide a well dated (2.02 Ga) pole for the Kaapvaal Craton. Rock magnetic data reveal unusually high Koenigsberger ratios (Q values) in all studied lithologies of the Vredefort dome. The high Q values are now first time also seen in samples from the Johannesburg Dome (ca. 120 km away) where there is no impact evidence. Thus, a direct causative link of high Q values to the Vredefort impact event can be ruled out.

Commercial-scale Alternaria brown spot resistance screening as the first step in breeding new mandarins for Australia

Rapid screening tests and an appreciation of the simple genetic control of Alternaria brown spot (ABS) susceptibility have existed for many years, and yet the application of this knowledge to commercial-scale breeding programs has been limited. Detached leaf assays were first demonstrated more than 40 years ago and reliable data suggesting a single gene determining susceptibility has been emerging for at least 20 years. However it is only recently that the requirement for genetic resistance in new hybrids has become a priority, following increased disease prevalence in Australian mandarin production areas previously considered too dry for the pathogen. Almost all of the high-fruit-quality parents developed so far by the Queensland-based breeding program are susceptible to ABS necessitating the screening of their progeny to avoid commercialisation of susceptible hybrids. This is done effectively and efficiently by spraying 3-6 month old hybrid seedlings with a spore suspension derived from a toxin-producing field isolate of Alternaria alternate, then incubating these seedlings in a cool room at 25°C and high humidity for 5 days. Susceptible seedlings show clear disease symptoms and are discarded. Analysis of observed and expected segregation ratios loosely support the hypothesis for a single dominant gene for susceptibility, but do not rule out the possibility of alternative genetic models. After implementing the routine screening for ABS resistance for three seasons we now have more than 20,000 hybrids growing in field progeny blocks that have been screened for resistance to the ABS disease.

Efficacy of acibenzolar-S-methyl (Bion®) treatment of Australian commercial passionfruit, Passiflora edulis f. sp. flavicarpa, on resistance to Passionfruit woodiness virus (PWV) and activities of chitinase & β-1,3-glucanase

This greenhouse study investigated the efficacy of acibenzolar-S-methyl (Bion®) treatment of lower leaves of passionfruit, (Passiflora edulis f. sp. flavicarpa), on Passionfruit woodiness disease and activities of two pathogenesis-related proteins, chitinase and β-1,3-glucanase after inoculation with passionfruit woodiness virus (PWV). All Bion® concentrations reduced disease symptoms, but the concentration of 0.025 g active ingredient (a.i.)/l was the most effective, reducing disease severity in systemic leaves by 23, 29 and 30 compared with water-treated controls at 30, 40 and 50 days post inoculation (dpi) with PWV, respectively. Correspondingly, relative virus concentration as determined by DAS-ELISA in the upper, untreated leaves (new growth) above the site of inoculation at 50 dpi was reduced by 17 and 22 in plants treated with 0.025 and 0.05 g a.i./l, respectively. Bion® treatment and subsequent inoculation with PWV increased chitinase and β-1,3-glucanase activities in the new leaves above the site of inoculation at 30 dpi with PWV. It was concluded that optimal protective Bion® treatment concentrations were 0.025 and 0.05 g a.i./l.

Correspondence with N.H. Gould, Newport, R.I.

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Sirex woodwasp range expansion in Australia: performance and parasitism on two commercial pine species

Sirex woodwasp was detected in Queensland in 2009 and rapidly established in softwood plantations (Pinus radiata and P. taeda) in southern border regions. Biocontrol inoculations of Deladenus siricidicola began soon after, and adults were monitored to assess the success of the programme. Wasp size, sex ratios, emergence phenology and nematode parasitism rates were recorded, along with the assessment of wild-caught females. Patterns varied within and among seasons, but overall, P. taeda appeared to be a less suitable host than P. radiata, producing smaller adults, lower fat body content and fewer females. Sirex emerging from P. taeda also showed lower levels of nematode parasitism, possibly due to interactions with the more abundant blue-stain fungus in this host. Sirex adults generally emerged between November and March, with distinct peaks in January and March, separated by a marked drop in emergence in early February. Temperature provided the best correlate of seasonal emergence, with fortnights with higher mean minimum temperatures having higher numbers of Sirex emerging. This has implications for the anticipated northward spread of Sirex into sub-tropical coastal plantation regions. Following four seasons of inundative release of nematodes in Queensland, parasitism rates remain low and have resulted in only partial sterilization of infected females.

On-farm Campylobacter and Escherichia coli in commercial broiler chickens: Re-used bedding does not influence Campylobacter emergence and levels across sequential farming cycles

Limitations in quality bedding material have resulted in the growing need to re-use litter during broiler farming in some countries, which can be of concern from a food-safety perspective. The aim of this study was to compare the Campylobacter levels in ceca and litter across three litter treatments under commercial farming conditions. The litter treatments were (a) the use of new litter after each farming cycle; (b) an Australian partial litter re-use practice; and (c) a full litter re-use practice. The study was carried out on two farms over two years (Farm 1, from 2009–2010 and Farm 2, from 2010–2011), across three sheds (35,000 to 40,000 chickens/shed) on each farm, adopting three different litter treatments across six commercial cycles. A random sampling design was adopted to test litter and ceca for Campylobacter and Escherichia coli, prior to commercial first thin-out and final pick-up. Campylobacter levels varied little across litter practices and farming cycles on each farm and were in the range of log 8.0–9.0 CFU/g in ceca and log 4.0–6.0 MPN/g for litter. Similarly the E. coli in ceca were ∼log 7.0 CFU/g. At first thin-out and final pick-up, the statistical analysis for both litter and ceca showed that the three-way interaction (treatments by farms by times) was highly significant (P < 0.01), indicating that the patterns of Campylobacter emergence/presence across time vary between the farms, cycles and pickups. The emergence and levels of both organisms were not influenced by litter treatments across the six farming cycles on both farms. Either C. jejuni or C. coli could be the dominant species across litter and ceca, and this phenomenon could not be attributed to specific litter treatments. Irrespective of the litter treatments in place, cycle 2 on Farm 2 remained campylobacter-free. These outcomes suggest that litter treatments did not directly influence the time of emergence and levels of Campylobacter and E. coli during commercial farming.

Wagner Kokisch Family Correspondence 1902-1949

The bulk of the correspondence was sent 1939-1941 from Anna Deutsch and then 1945/46 from Irene Lichtblau-Reger, both in Vienna, Austria, to Adele and Margarete Wagner, who lived with the Kokisch family (Ernest, Gertrud and Ron) in New York.

Queensland Spanner Crab Fishery: Commercial quota setting for June 2016 – May 2018

The Queensland (QLD) fishery for spanner crabs primarily lands live crab for export overseas, with gross landings valued around A$5 million per year. Quota setting rules are used to assess and adjust total allowable harvest (quota) around an agreed target harvest of 1631 t and capped at a maximum of 2000 t. The quota varies based on catch rate indicators from the commercial fishery and a fishery independent survey. Quota management applies only to ‘Managed Area A’ which includes waters between Rockhampton and the New South Wales (NSW) border. This report has been prepared to inform Fisheries Queensland (Department of Agriculture and Fisheries) and stakeholders of catch trends and the estimated quota of spanner crabs in Managed Area A for the forthcoming annual quota periods (1 June 2016–31 May 2018). The quota calculations followed the methodology developed by the crab fishery Scientific Advisory Group (SAG) between November 2007 and March 2008. The QLD total reported spanner crab harvest was 1170 t for the 2015 calendar year. In 2015, a total of 55 vessels were active in the QLD fishery, down from 262 vessels at the fishery’s peak activity in 1994. Recent spanner crab harvests from NSW waters average about 125 t per year, but fell to 80 t in 2014–2015. The spanner crab Managed Area A commercial standardised catch rate averaged 0.818 kg per net-lift in 2015, 22.5% below the target level of 1.043. Compared to 2014, mean catch rates in 2015 were marginally improved south of Fraser Island. The NSW–QLD survey catch rate in 2015 was 20.541 crabs per ground-line, 33% above the target level of 13.972. This represented an increase in survey catch rates of about four crabs per groundline, compared to the 2014 survey. The QLD spanner crab total allowable harvest (quota) was set at 1923 t in the 2012-13 and 2013-14 fishing years, 1777 t in 2014-15 and 1631 t in 2015-16. The results from the current analysis rules indicate that the quota for the next two fishing years be retained at the base quota of 1631 t.

Queensland Spanner Crab Fishery : Commercial quota setting for June 2015 – May 2016

The Australian fishery for spanner crabs is the largest in the world, with the larger Queensland (QLD) sector’s landings primarily exported live overseas and GVP valued ~A$5 million per year. Spanner crabs are unique in that they may live up to 15 years, significantly more than blue swimmer crabs (Portunus armatus) and mud crabs (Scylla serrata), the two other important crab species caught in Queensland. Spanner crabs are caught using a flat net called a dilly, on which the crabs becoming entangled via the swimming legs. Quota setting rules are used to assess and adjust total allowable harvest (quota) around an agreed target harvest of 1631 t and capped at a maximum of 2000 t. The quota varies based on catch rate indicators from the commercial fishery and a fishery-independent survey from the previous two years, compared to target reference points. Quota management applies only to ‘Managed Area A’ which includes waters between Rockhampton and the New South Wales (NSW) border. This report has been prepared to inform Fisheries Queensland (Department of Agriculture and Fisheries) and stakeholders of catch trends and the estimated quota of spanner crabs in Managed Area A for the forthcoming quota period (1 June 2015–31 May 2016). The quota calculations followed the methodology developed by the crab fishery Scientific Advisory Group (SAG) between November 2007 and March 2008. The total reported spanner crab harvest was 917 t for the 2014 calendar year, almost all of which was taken from Managed Area A. In 2014, a total of 59 vessels were active in the QLD fishery, the lowest number since the peak in 1994 of 262 vessels. Recent spanner crab harvests from NSW waters have been about 125 t per year. The spanner crab Managed Area A commercial standardised catch rate averaged 0.739 kg per net-lift in 2014, 24% below the target level of 1.043. Mean catch rates declined in the commercial fishery in 2014, although the magnitude of the decreases was highest in the area north of Fraser Island. The NSW–QLD survey catch rate in 2014 was 16.849 crabs per ground-line, 22% above the target level of 13.972. This represented a decrease in survey catch rates of 0.366 crabs per ground-line, compared to the 2013 survey. The Queensland spanner crab total allowable harvest (quota) was set at 1923 t in 2012 and 2013. In 2014, the quota was calculated at the base level of 1631 t. However, given that the 2012 fisheryindependent survey was not undertaken for financial reasons, stakeholders proposed that the total allowable commercial catch (TACC) be decreased to 1777 t; a level that was halfway between the 2012/13 quota of 1923 t and the recommended base quota of 1631 t. The results from the current analysis indicate that the quota for the 2015-2016 financial year be decreased from 1777 t to the base quota of 1631 t.

Kirkon vai valtion kirjat? : Uskontokuntasidonnaisuuden ongelma Suomen väestökirjanpidossa 1839-1904

The Population Register – run by the Church or the state? The problem posed by the obligation to belong to a religious community in the registration of births and deaths in Finland between 1839 and 1904 The Lutheran Church of Finland is the nation’s largest church; approximately 82 per cent of Finns were members in 2007. The Church ran an official register of its members until 1999, when the state then undertook this task. The registration of births and deaths by the Church has a long history dating back to the 17th century, when Bishop Johannes Gezelius Sr. decreed that all parish members would have to be recorded in parish registers. These registers were used to control how well parish members knew the Christian doctrine and, gradually, also if they were literate. Additionally, the Church attempted to ensure by means of the parish registers that parish members went to Holy Communion annually. Since everyone was a member of the Lutheran Church, the state also took advantage of the parish registers and used them for the purposes of tax collection and conscription. The main research theme of “The Population Register – run by the Church or the state?” goes back to these times. The actual research period covers the years of 1839–1904. At that time Finland was under Russian rule, although autonomous. In the late 19th century the press and different associations in Finland began to engage in public debate, and the country started moving from a submissive society to a civic one. The identity of the Lutheran Church also became more prominent when the Church Act and the General Synod were realised in 1869. A few years earlier, municipal and parish administrations had been separated, but the general registration of births and deaths was left to the Church to see to. In compliance with the constitution of the country, all the inhabitants in principle still had to be Lutheran. In practice, the situation was different. The religious and ideological realms diversified, and the Lutheran concept of religion was no longer acceptable to everyone. The conflict was reflected in the registration of births and deaths, which was linked to the Lutheran Church and its parish registers. Nobody was allowed to leave the Church, there was no civil register, and the Lutheran Church did not consent to record unbaptized children in the parish registers. Therefore such children were left without civil rights. Thus the obligation to belong to a religious community had become a problem in the registration of births and deaths. The Lutheran clergy also appealed to the 1723 privileges, according to which they had been exempted from the drawing up of additional population registers. In 1889 Finland passed the Dissenters Act. By virtue of this act the Baptists and the Methodists left the state Church, but this was not the case with the members of the free churches. The freethinkers had to retain their church membership, as the law did not apply to them. This meant that the unbaptized children of the members of the free churches or those of freethinkers were still not entered in any registers. The children were not able to go to school, work for the state or legally marry. Neither were they able to inherit property, as they did not legally exist. The system of parish registers was created when everyone was required to be a member of the Lutheran Church, but it did not work when liberal attitudes eventually penetrated the sphere of religion, too. The government´s measures to solve the problem were slow and cautious, partly because Finland was part of Russia, partly because there were only about 100 unbaptized children. As the problem group was small and the state´s resources were limited, no general civil register was established. The state accepted the fact that in spite of the problems, the Evangelical Lutheran Church and the congregations of dissenters were the only official establishments to run populations registers in the country, and for social purposes, too. In 1900 the Diet of Finland finally approved a limited civil register, which unbaptized children and unregistered foreigners would be recorded in. Due to political reasons the civil register did not come into existence until 1917, after the actual research period.

Ihanteena vapaaehtoisuus : Diakoniatyö Porvoon hiippakunnan seurakunnissa, erityisesti Iitin ja Tampereen rovastikunnissa vuosina 1897-1923

The Ideal of Volunteerism. An institutional approach to social welfare work in the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere, Finland, in the years 1897-1923 Social welfare work (also known as diakonia) has achieved a high status in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. Since 1944, provisions of the Finnish Church Act have obliged each parish to employ at least one deacon or deaconess. This study sets out to examine the background and development of social welfare work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland from the 1890s to the 1920s, by which time social welfare work had become an established practice in the Church. The study investigates the development of social welfare work on the level of parishes. The main source material was collected from sixteen parishes in the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere. In the 1890s, two approaches were used in church social work in Finland. The dioceses of Kuopio, Savonlinna and Turku pursued a congregational approach to social work, while the Diocese of Porvoo employed an institutional approach, mainly because of the influence of Bishop Herman Råbergh. This study charts the formation of church social work in Finnish parishes, which took place during a period of tension between the two approaches. The institutional approach to church social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the German system of Asisters= houses@, in which deaconess institutes sent parish sisters to serve congregations. The parish or, in many cases, a separate association dedicated to church social work paid an annual fee to the deaconess institute, which took care of the parish sisters in old age. In the institutional approach, volunteers were recruited to carry out church social work. It was considered as inappropriate to use tax revenue or other public funding for church social work, which was supposed to be based on Christian love for one=s fellow humans and the needy, and for which only voluntary financial contributions were supposed to be used. In the congregational approach, church social work was directly based on the efforts of the parish. The approach relied on the administrative bodies of parishes and the Church, and tax revenue collected by the parishes, as well as other forms of public funding, could be used to carry out the social welfare work. The parishes employed deacons and deaconesses and paid their salaries. The approaches described above were not pursued in their ideal forms; instead, many variations existed. However, in principle, the social welfare work undertaken by the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the institutional approach, while the congregational approach was largely employed elsewhere in Finland. Both of the approaches were viable. Parishes began to employ deacons and deaconesses as of the 1890s. The number of parishes which had hired a deacon or deaconess increased particularly in the 1910s, by which time 60% of parishes had employed one. This level was maintained until 1944 when each parish in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland was obliged to employ a deacon or deaconess. Deaconesses usually worked as travelling nurses. The autonomous status of Finland as part of the Russian Empire did not give Finns the right to develop legislation on social affairs and health care. Consequently, the legislation process did not begin until Finland gained its independence in 1917. The social welfare work carried out by parishes and a number of voluntary organisations satisfied the emerging need for medical treatment in Finnish society. Neither the government nor the municipalities had sufficient resources to provide this treatment. Based on the ideal of volunteerism, the institutional social work practiced in the Diocese of Porvoo ran into serious difficulties at the end of the First World War. Because of severe inflation, prices began to rise as of 1915 and tripled in 1917-1918. During the same period, Finnish society went through a deep crisis which escalated into Civil War in spring 1918. This period of economic and social turmoil marked a turning-point which led to a weakening of the status of institutional social work in parishes. Voluntary efforts were no longer sufficient to maintain the practice. In contrast, congregational social work, which was based on public funding, was able to cope with the changes and survived the crisis. The approach to social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo turned out to be no more than a brief detour in the history of social work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. At the start of the 1920s, the two approaches were integrated into a common vision for establishing church social work as a statutory practice in parishes.