982 resultados para Civil – military relations


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Within both aesthetic and history fields, civil engineering occupies a privileged place among arts whose manifestations are based on drawing. In this work, Leonardo’s creativity concerned with civil bridges proyects, have been studied. Leonardo designed ten bridges: eight of them intended for military porposes and only two were purely planned for civil functionaly - “Ponte sul corno d’oro”, infolio 66, manuscript L; and “Ponte a due piani”, represented in the Manuscript B at the Institute of France, infolio 23. There can be no doubt about Leonardo’s intentions when he started on designing these two bridges: his genious for creativy focused on providing both singulary and functionaly to the structures: they should be admired and utilized at the same time, a monument for civil society to be used.The work presented here attemps to make an scientist-historical trip along these Leonardo’s bridges, highlighting their technical, geometrical and aesthetic characteristics, as well as emphasizing Leonardo’s human, scientist and artistic nature.

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In the last decade, multi-sensor data fusion has become a broadly demanded discipline to achieve advanced solutions that can be applied in many real world situations, either civil or military. In Defence,accurate detection of all target objects is fundamental to maintaining situational awareness, to locating threats in the battlefield and to identifying and protecting strategically own forces. Civil applications, such as traffic monitoring, have similar requirements in terms of object detection and reliable identification of incidents in order to ensure safety of road users. Thanks to the appropriate data fusion technique, we can give these systems the power to exploit automatically all relevant information from multiple sources to face for instance mission needs or assess daily supervision operations. This paper focuses on its application to active vehicle monitoring in a particular area of high density traffic, and how it is redirecting the research activities being carried out in the computer vision, signal processing and machine learning fields for improving the effectiveness of detection and tracking in ground surveillance scenarios in general. Specifically, our system proposes fusion of data at a feature level which is extracted from a video camera and a laser scanner. In addition, a stochastic-based tracking which introduces some particle filters into the model to deal with uncertainty due to occlusions and improve the previous detection output is presented in this paper. It has been shown that this computer vision tracker contributes to detect objects even under poor visual information. Finally, in the same way that humans are able to analyze both temporal and spatial relations among items in the scene to associate them a meaning, once the targets objects have been correctly detected and tracked, it is desired that machines can provide a trustworthy description of what is happening in the scene under surveillance. Accomplishing so ambitious task requires a machine learning-based hierarchic architecture able to extract and analyse behaviours at different abstraction levels. A real experimental testbed has been implemented for the evaluation of the proposed modular system. Such scenario is a closed circuit where real traffic situations can be simulated. First results have shown the strength of the proposed system.

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ABSTRACT: The surveys carried out in the municipality of Pinto (Madrid) have enabled us to locate various structural remains linked to the military operations that took place around the capital during the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). In order to identify and record them, surveys were complemented with the use of GPS and air photographs from different time periods. Afterwards, and in collaboration with researchers from various universities, further methods aimed at generating a complete special representation of the area were applied directly to one of the sites which produced the best results, known as "los Yesares". These methods include topographic mapping that resulted in cartographic material at different scales, the photographic recording with flying Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, and the use of land scanners and GPS-corrected photogrammetrics with which to obtain 3D models.

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Este trabalho analisa um período de crise vivido pelo protestantismo brasileiro (simbolizado aqui pela Igreja Metodista e pela Igreja Presbiteriana do Brasil) durante a época da Ditadura Civil e Militar, focando o olhar mais especificamente no intervalo entre os anos de 1964 e 1974. Influenciadas pelo ambiente político e ideológico da época, essas duas denominações protestantes foram palco de uma disputa entre suas alas conservadoras e progressistas. Como resultado, estabeleceu-se um clima interno de “caça às bruxas”, marcado por atitudes autoritá-rias e de apoio ao regime imposto. Seguindo uma proposta advinda de trabalhos anteriores, a pesquisa procura levantar os fundamentos que embasaram as atitudes das alas conservadoras do protestantismo nesse conflito, um aspecto pouco considerado pela historiografia sobre o tema. A principal suspeita é a de que as posturas conservadoras decorreram do contato do pro-testantismo importado do mundo anglo saxão com a herança cultural patriarcal autoritária e católica presente no Brasil desde seu período fundacional. Essa mescla de elementos teológi-cos importados somada à herança cultural tipicamente brasileira acabou moldando a mentali-dade dos setores conservadores do protestantismo nacional entre o final do século XIX e me-ados do XX, que acabou aflorando quando novos agentes surgiram no cenário religioso duran-te o período do Golpe Civil e Militar.

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Civil war is a socially intimate phenomenon. The viability of the conflict hinges on recruitment for the cause, military strategy, community support, and a variety of other conditional factors. Despite this dependence on local society, many researchers approach civil war from a global perspective, attempting to discover universal truths about this kind of conflict. This capstone project focuses on restricting the operating parameters of civil war research projects to the span of a single continent, hoping to achieve deeper insight by focusing the research using a more culturally sensitive set of parameters. By using cultural data to guide civil war research, conflict indicators can tailor conflict prevention to escalating violent scenarios.

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El presente trabajo expone las diferencias más significativas en el tratamiento que los medios de comunicación otorgan a las noticias de la Guardia Civil de Alicante en dos períodos diferentes y con modelos conductuales de relaciones públicas muy distintos. En el primero de ellos, la oficina de comunicación de la Institución se dedicaba exclusivamente a remitir notas de prensa a los medios; en el segundo, la conducta comunicativa de la Benemérita se basa en modelos bidireccionales de las relaciones públicas. Los resultados presentados ponen de manifiesto la eficacia limitada del modelo unidireccional utilizado por la OPC con los MMCC, sin embargo, esa misma eficacia comunicativa se manifiesta en su máximo exponente al combinar ambos. La incorporación simultánea de los modelos agente de prensa y simétrico bidireccional (Grunig y Hunt, 2003,73) contribuyen al buen tratamiento otorgado por los medios a la Guardia Civil de Alicante.

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El golpe militar de 1936 conducirá a una dura contienda civil. Durante la misma, la Aviación Legionaria Italiana y, en menor medida, la Legión Cóndor bombardeará duramente numerosas ciudades de la costa mediterránea. Para proteger a la población, las Juntas Locales de Defensa Pasiva llevarán a cabo un programa de construcción de refugios antiaéreos sin precedentes hasta entonces. En Alicante serán numerosos los refugios construidos, entre ellos los situados en las plazas de Séneca y del Dr. Balmis, ambas construcciones salen a la luz, tras años de olvido, a raíz de sendos proyectos de remodelación de las zonas en las que se encuentran enclavados.

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This communication develops the process of interventions of the Renaissance fortress of a new plant built in 155457 in Santa Pola. It is one of the earliest examples built with reference to military architecture theoretical treaties (XVXVI) and best preserved. The study runs its own story from its initial military use, through the use of civil equipment until the final cultural and Museum Center. First, the project of Italian origin is examined and its use as barracks for troops for a duration of three centuries (15571850), pointing out the architectural constants of war machinery in a defense position and its origin as a rainwater collector and cistern: a perfect square with two bastions in which a plan of the uprising is preserved (1778). Secondly, we study the changes in the mentioned architecture throughout a century and a half (18501990) after its change of ownership (from the state to the municipality), and as a result of the new use as a city hall and public endowment: a market and health and leisure centre, which meant the demolition of defensive elements and the opening up to the outside of the inner parade ground. And thirdly, the new transfer of the municipal offices brings in the beginning of a project of transformations (19902015) that retrieves the demolished elements at the same time as it assigns the entire fort for a cultural centre: exhibition, research and history museum, promoting the identity between the citizens and the building which stands in the foundations of their city. The conclusions take us through an interesting route that goes from the approach of defensive tactics, its use as administrative headquarters to the current cultural policy of preservation. In addition, all the known plans of the fort are recovered (of military, civil and cultural use), some unpublished, as well as the project of the North wing that has guided the last operation and which has been set as a pattern of reference.

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This layer is a georeferenced raster image of the historic paper map: War telegram marking map. It was published by L. Prang & Co. in 1862. Scale [ca. 1:490,000]. Covers portions of Maryland, West Virginia, the District of Columbia, and eastern Virginia. The image inside the map neatline is georeferenced to the surface of the earth and fit to the Universal Transverse Mercator projection (WGS 1984 UTM Zone 18N). All map collar and inset information is also available as part of the raster image, including any inset maps, profiles, statistical tables, directories, text, illustrations, or other information associated with the principal map. This map shows features such as roads, railroads, drainage, selected points of military interest, and more. Relief shown by hachures. Includes text: "Explanations.The extraordinary large scale on which this map is drawn has been adopted to make it just what we designed it to be, namely 1st. The most distinct map ever published of the whole Virginia territory, where the decisive battles for the Union will be fought. 2nd. A marking map, that is a map to mark the change of positions of the Union forces in red pencil and the rebel forces in blue, on the receipt of every telegram from the seat of war..." This layer is part of a selection of digitally scanned and georeferenced historic maps of the Civil War from the Harvard Map Collection. Many items from this selection are from a collection of maps deposited by the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States Commandery of the State of Massachusetts (MOLLUS) in the Harvard Map Collection in 1938. These maps typically portray both natural and manmade features, in particular showing places of military importance. The selection represents a range of regions, originators, ground condition dates, scales, and purposes.

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This research explores whether civil society organizations (CSOs) can contribute to more effectively regulating the working conditions of temporary migrant farmworkers in North America. This dissertation unfolds in five parts. The first part of the dissertation sets out the background context. The context includes the political economy of agriculture and temporary migrant labour more broadly. It also includes the political economy of the legal regulations that govern immigration and work relations. The second part of the research builds an analytical model for studying the operation of CSOs active in working with the migrant farmworker population. The purpose of the analytical framework is to make sense of real-world examples by providing categories for analysis and a means to get at the channels of influence that CSOs utilize to achieve their aims. To this end, the model incorporates the insights from three significant bodies of literature—regulatory studies, labour studies, and economic sociology. The third part of the dissertation suggests some key strategic issues that CSOs should consider when intervening to assist migrant farmworkers, and also proposes a series of hypotheses about how CSOs can participate in the regulatory process. The fourth part probes and extends these hypotheses by empirically investigating the operation of three CSOs that are currently active in assisting migrant farm workers in North America: the Agricultural Workers Alliance (Canada), Global Workers’ Justice Alliance (USA), and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers (USA). The fifth and final part draws together lessons from the empirical work and concluded that CSOs can fill gaps left by the waning power of actors, such as trade unions and labour inspectorates, as well as act in ways that these traditional actors can not.

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Over the past seventeen years Canada has decentralized many social programmes, moving responsibility from the federal government to 13 provinces and territories through bilateral federal-provincial agreements. In contrast, the European Union (EU) has moved in the opposite direction, building pan-European approaches and establishing new processes to facilitate multilateral collaboration among the 28 EU member states. This has been done through a new governance approach called the Open Method of Coordination (OMC). Using a detailed case study − employment policy − this paper explores whether Canada could learn from OMC governance ideas to re-build a pan-Canadian dimension to employment policy and improve the performance of its intergovernmental relations system. Concrete lessons for Canada to improve decentralized governance are suggested: consolidating the different bilateral agreements; using benchmarking instead of controls in fiscal transfers; undertaking research, analysis, and comparisons in order to facilitate mutual learning; revitalizing intergovernmental structures in light of devolution; and engaging social partners, civil society and other stakeholders. Post-devolution Canada is not doing badly in managing employment policy, but could do better. Looking to the EU for ideas on new ways to collaborate provides a chance for setting a forward looking agenda that could ultimately result not only in better labour market outcomes, but also improvements to one small part of Canada’s often fractious federation.

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Edward Snowden revealed that America’s National Security Agency (NSA) had tapped Chancellor Angela Merkel’s mobile phone and had collected date en masse. This has caused the largest crisis of confidence in relations between Germany and the US since the Iraq war. Due to the technological advantage which American intelligence services have, Germany wishes to continue close co-operation with the US but is making efforts to change the legal basis of this co-operation dating back to Cold War times. Berlin would like to secure part of provisions similar to the Five Eyes alliance agreements signed between the US, the UK, Canada, New Zealand and Australia in the second half of the 1940s, aimed at intelligence sharing and a ban mutual bugging. This could spell the end of the last (not including the military presence) relic of Germany’s dependence on the US which emerged following World War II and took shape in the shadow of the Cold War. The process of Germany’s emancipation in trans-Atlantic relations, which began after Germany’s reunification, would be complete. The US is however opposed to such far-reaching changes as it is interested in continued co-operation with Germany without limiting it. Were it not to sign agreements satisfactory for Berlin, this would lead to a protracted crisis of confidence in German-American relations.

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The contracting defence budgets in Europe, the difficulties in developing the EU’s security policy, NATO's transformation, the reorientation of US security policy and the problems experienced by European defence industries all together have in recent years created an increased interest in political, military and military-technological co-operation in Europe.It has manifested itself in concepts of closer co-operation within NATO and the EU (smart defence and pooling&sharing), bilateral and multilateral initiatives outside the structures of NATO and the EU (such as the Nordic Defence Co-operation or the Franco-British co-operation) and debates about the prerequisites, principles and objectives of bilateral, multilateral and regional security and defence co-operation. The present report aims to analyse the potential for security and defence co-operation among selected countries in the area between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea, i.e. the Nordic states (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden), the Baltic states (Lithuania Latvia and Estonia), Poland's partners in the Visegrad Group (the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia) as well as Romania and Bulgaria. The authors were guided by the assumption that those states are Poland's natural partners for closer regional military co-operation. It may complement ‘the Western’ direction of Poland's security and defence policy, i.e. relations with the partners from the Weimar Triangle and the US. Its goal is not to replace the existing security structures but rather to strengthen military capabilities in the region within NATO and the EU.

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The negotiations over Russia’s purchase of French Mistral-class multipurpose assault ships, which were intensified in 2010, have gained a significant political dimension. The prospects of such a spectacular acquisition of large and expensive assault ships from one of NATO’s member states are being used by Russia to demonstrate that it has opened a new stage of relations with Western Europe. Paris has welcomed Russia’s desire to embark on military cooperation; for France, the Mistral deal has become a convenient tool to prove that relations with Russia are becoming increasingly normal, and that Russia poses no threat to the European security.

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Ukraine and Russia: Among all of the countries that border Ukraine, the Russian Federation is its most important partner. Ukraine's relations with Moscow are the key issue of its foreign policy to such an extent that each option of the Ukrainian foreign policy is first and foremost a choice as to the shape of its relations with Russia. This is mainly a consequence of Ukraine's geographic and geopolitical situation, the legacy of many centuries of political, economic and cultural bonds between these two countries, as well as Russia's inevitably dominant position in their mutual relations. Belarus: Belarus has not broken off its bonds with Moscow after the break-up of the Soviet Union. Throughout the whole period of the Belarussian independence we can observe the country's strong political, economic and military dependence on Russia. This dependence allows Russia to control, and even shape, the processes that take place in Belarus in all the areas mentioned.