892 resultados para Civic virtues
Resumo:
Social and environmental accounting (SEA) is currently going through a period of critical selfanalysis.Challenging questions are being raised about how SEA should be defined, who should be doing the defining, and what the agenda should be. We attempt to engage and enrich these debates from both a process and content perspective by drawing on the political philosophy of agonistic pluralism and a set of debates within the environmental movement – “the death of environmentalism” debates. The contribution of the paper is twofold: to set forth the death of environmentalism debates in the accounting literature and, in doing so, to contextualize and theorize the contested nature of SEA using agonistic pluralism. In contrast to consensually oriented approaches to SEA, the desired outcome is not necessarily resolution of ideological differences but to imagine, develop, and support democratic processes wherein these differences can be recognized and engaged. We construe the “Death” debates as illustrative of the contestable practical and political issues facing both SEA and progressive social movements generally, demonstrating the context and content of the deliberations necessary in contemplating effective programs of engagement. The SEA community, and civil society groups, can benefit from the more overtly political perspective provided by agonistic pluralism. By surfacing and engaging with various antagonisms in this wider contested civic sphere, SEA can more effectively respond to, and move beyond, traditional politically conservative, managerialist approaches to sustainability.
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El Aprendizaje y Servicio (APS) es una propuesta educativa que combina procesos de aprendizaje y de servicio a la comunidad en un solo proyecto. El Aprenentatge i Servei en el Centre Penitenciari de Lledoners nace de la voluntad de estudiantes y docentes de la Facultad de Educación Social y Trabajo Social Pere Tarrés (URL) y del Grupo 33, una Plataforma Ciudadana de Sensibilización y Movilización, formada por más de 7.000 personas de todos los sectores de la sociedad civil, que trabaja para conseguir la reinserción real de las personas privadas de libertad. El proyecto pretende hacer frente al actual modelo de prisiones de Cataluña y promover cambios hacia un modelo rehabilitador.
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DIC.CAT es centra en les contribucions a la ciutadania que realitzen les dones immigrants marroquines, sobre les quals recauen forts estereotips i imatges que, sovint, les vinculen a la passivitat i a la submissió. Partint d'aquest fet, el projecte analitza el paper d'aquetes dones com a generadores de noves formes de ciutadania a Catalunya, a partir de les seves accions en les esferes pública i privada. El projecte contribueix, d'una banda a ampliar el coneixement teòric sobre la noció de ciutadania, incorporant la dimensió del gènere i partint de la realitat multicultural actual; i de l'altra a aprofundir sobre el rol que estan exercint les doens marroquines estudiades, com agents actius de xsocialització i generadores de canvis en els formes d'exercir la ciutadania en la societat catalana. Destaquen les accions que desenvolupen des de la seva quotidianitat en relació a aspectes com el procés de reagrupació, la incorporació al mercat laboral, la transmissio de valores dins la familia, la relació amb la comunitat d'origen, les motivacions, aspiracions o els projectes professionals i personals propis. Alhora, el projecte vincula aquestes accions amb les que desenvolupen des dels espais públics en els que participen, especialment dins l'àmbit associatiu.
Resumo:
The rapid adoption of online media like Facebook, Twitter or Wikileaks leaves us with little time to think. Where is information technology taking us, our society and our democratic institutions ? Is the Web replicating social divides that already exist offline or does collaborative technology pave the way for a more equal society ? How do we find the right balance between openness and privacy ? Can social media improve civic participation or do they breed superficial exchange and the promotion of false information ? These and lots of other questions arise when one starts to look at the Internet, society and politics. The first part of this paper gives an overview of the social changes that occur with the rise of the Web. The second part serves as an overview on how the Web is being used for political participation in Switzerland and abroad. Le développement rapide de nouveaux médias comme Facebook, Twitter ou Wikileaks ne laisse que peu de temps à la réflexion. Quels sont les changements que ces technologies de l'information impliquent pour nous, notre société et nos institutions démocratiques ? Internet ne fait-il que reproduire des divisions sociales qui lui préexistent ou constitue-t-il un moyen de lisser et d'égaliser ces mêmes divisions ? Comment trouver le bon équilibre entre transparence et respect de la vie privée ? Les médias sociaux permettent-ils de stimuler la participation politique ou ne sont-ils que le vecteur d'échanges superficiels et de fausses informations ? Ces questions, parmi d'autres, émergent rapidement lorsque l'on s'intéresse à la question des liens entre Internet, la société et la politique. La première partie de ce cahier est consacrée aux changements sociaux générés par l'émergence et le développement d'Internet. La seconde fait l'état des lieux de la manière dont Internet est utilisé pour stimuler la participation politique en Suisse et à l'étranger.
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In much of the western world, and particularly in Europe, there is a widespread perception that multiculturalism has ‘failed’ and that governments who once embraced a multicultural approach to diversity are turning away, adopting a strong emphasis on civic integration. This reaction, we are told, “reflects a seismic shift not just in the Netherlands, but in other European countries as well” (JOPPKE 2007). This paper challenges this view. Drawing on an updated version of the Multiculturalism Policy Index introduced earlier (BANTING and KYMLICKA 2006), the paper presents an index of the strength of multicultural policies for European countries and several traditional countries of immigration at three points in time (1980, 2000 and 2010). The results paint a different picture of contemporary experience in Europe. While a small number of countries, including most notably the Netherlands, have weakened established multicultural policies during the 2000s, such a shift is the exception. Most countries that adopted multicultural approaches in the later part of the twentieth century have maintained their programs in the first decade of the new century; and a significant number of countries have added new ones. In much of Europe, multicultural policies are not in general retreat. As a result, the turn to civic integration is often being layered on top of existing multicultural programs, leading to a blended approach to diversity. The paper reflects on the compatibility of multiculturalism policies and civic integration, arguing that more liberal forms of civic integration can be combined with multiculturalism but that more illiberal or coercive forms are incompatible with a multicultural approach.
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Cet article porte sur la réflexion politique grecque au sujet du principat et sur les relations entre le sophiste Dion de Pruse (40-50 après J.-C. - après 110 ?) et le pouvoir impérial. Il propose une analyse des discours de Dion qui concernent les modèles de royauté : les quatre discours Sur la royauté (Or. I à IV), l'Agamemnon (Or. LVI), le discours Sur la royauté et la tyrannie (Or. LXII). La première partie examine les circonstances de rédaction ou de prononciation des discours, afin de distinguer différentes étapes dans la pensée politique du sophiste et dans son jugement sur la figure de l'empereur. La deuxième partie étudie les deux images du « bon » roi : le roi imparfait, soumis à reddition de compte ; l'Optimus Princeps. Cette seconde image, beaucoup plus développée, est définie à la fois par un ensemble de vertus et par l'imitation du roi des dieux. La troisième partie analyse les objectifs de Dion, compare sa réflexion avec celles des intellectuels romains du Ier et du IIe siècles, dégage sa position complexe à l'égard du principat et de la figure de Trajan. The paper focuses on Greek political thinking on principate as well as on the relations between the sophist Dio of Prusa (40-50 till 100 A.D. ?) and the imperial power. It analyses Dion's speeches on royal models : the four speeches On Kingship (Or. I to IV), the Agamemnon (Or. LVI) as well as the speech On Kingship and Tyranny (Or. LXII). The first part examines under which circumstances these speeches have been drafted and given, in order to highlight the evolution of the sophist's political thinking and his assessment of the figure of emperor. Secondly, the two images of a good king are examined : the imperfect and accountable king on the one hand, the Optimus Princeps on the other. The latter image, more largely developed, is both defined by a collection of virtues and an imitation of the king of gods. The third and last part analyses Dion's objectives, compares his thoughts with the ones of 1st and 2nd centuries Roman intellectuals and sketches his complex standpoint towards the principate and Trajan.
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The mission of the State Library of Iowa is to advocate for Iowa libraries and to promote excellence and innovation in library services, in order to provide statewide access to information for all Iowans. Federal support through LSTA funds has been critical to the State Library’s ability to fulfill this mission. Ultimately, the State Library seeks to sustain a state of learners because lifelong learning is essential to individual success and to a democratic society. State Library support empowers Iowa libraries of all types to provide leadership and services to enhance learning in families and communities, to build 21st century skills, to sustain cultural heritage and to increase civic participation.
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Many empirical studies of business cycles have followed the practise ofapplying the Hodrick-Prescott filter for cross-country comparisons. Thestandard procedure is to set the weight \lambda, which determines the'smoothness' of the trend equal to 1600. We show that if this value isused for against common wisdom about business cycles. As an example, weshow that the long recession occurred inSpain between 1975 and 1985 goesunnotoced by the HP filter. We propose a method for adjusting \lambda byreinterpreting the HP-filter as the solution to a constrained minimizationproblem. We argue that the common practice of fixing \lambda across countriesamounts to chankging the constraints on trend variability across countries.Our proposed method is easy to apply, retains all the virtues of thestandard HP-filter and when applied to Spanish data the results are inthe line with economic historian's view. Applying the method to a numberof OECD countries we find that, with the exception of Spain, Italy andJapan, the standard choice of \lambda=1600 is sensible.
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Social capital a dense network of associations facilitating cooperation within a community typically leads to positive political and economic outcomes, as demonstrated by a large literature following Putnam. A growing literature emphasizes the potentially "dark side" of social capital. This paper examines the role of social capital in the downfall of democracy in interwar Germany by analyzing Nazi party entry rates in a cross-section of towns and cities. Before the Nazi Party's triumphs at the ballot box, it built an extensive organizational structure, becoming a mass movement with nearly a million members by early 1933. We show that dense networks of civic associations such as bowling clubs, animal breeder associations, or choirs facilitated the rise of the Nazi Party. The effects are large: Towns with one standard deviation higher association density saw at least one-third faster growth in the strength of the Nazi Party. IV results based on 19th century measures of social capital reinforce our conclusions. In addition, all types of associations veteran associations and non-military clubs, "bridging" and "bonding" associations positively predict NS party entry. These results suggest that social capital in Weimar Germany aided the rise of the Nazi movement that ultimately destroyed Germany's first democracy.
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Este artículo describe y analiza desde una perspectiva crítica el proyecto “Desmontemos rumores para fomentar la convivencia”, desarrollado en los últimos años en Sant Boi de Llobregat como parte del “Programa de convivencia”, impulsado por la Unidad de Educación Comunitaria y Civismo del ayuntamiento local. Se pone especial énfasis en las actividades realizadas en el marco de la Red de educadores y alumnos por la convivencia, que ha sido una pieza clave para impulsar el proyecto entre los adolescentes y los jóvenes de la ciudad.
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This paper investigates practices connected with the institution of theôria, before focusing on semantic values conveyed by the figure of Theôria in Aristophanes' Peace. The analysis shows how the languages of sacrifice, athletism and sexuality are used metaphorically in the description of Theôria; her description as a hetaira is especially significant since it highlights civic and panhellenic ties which are at stake in the institution of theôria.
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Concurs d’idees de remodelació de la Sabinosa