957 resultados para ADMINISTRATIVE AGENCIES
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Much of the recent literature on youth justice has focused on administrative aspects of the system and the socio-political contexts that have led to the ‘production’ of the youthful offender as a subject and locus of intervention. This has largely been driven by the extent to which youth justice has been crafted as a distinct penal sphere, evident in its unyoking from universal children’s services (Muncie and Goldson, 2013) and the establishment of separate agencies to administer and govern this ‘system’ (Souhami, 2014). Driven by policy hyperactivity and a plethora of legislation expanding the reach of the system, for much of the 1990s and 2000s increasing numbers of young people were brought under its gaze.
Particular attention has been paid to the impact of neo-liberal governance on the discourses, rationales and philosophies underpinning contemporary youth justice policy and practice. Writing specifically in the English and Welsh context, several authors have identified that the resulting ‘system’ embodies multiple, contradictory and competing discourses (Muncie, 2006; Fergusson, 2007; Gray, 2013). Within this ‘melting pot’ Fergusson (2007) notes the disjuncture between policy rhetoric, implementation and lived experience and Phoenix (2015) argues that systems-based analyses, much in favour amongst academics, foreclose a wider consideration of questions of what ‘justice’ actually means.
Recent attention towards the perspectives of practitioners working in this sphere has pointed to greater nuances than broader penal narratives suggest (see: Field, 2007; Briggs, 2013; Gray, 2013; Kelly and Armitage, 2015). Yet similar attention has not been given to experiences of youth justice (for an exception see – Phoenix and Kelly, 2013). However, it is precisely young people’s experiences, which would add significantly to current knowledge and potentially bridge the gap between discussions about penal philosophies, how youth justice policies are framed, how they are enacted and how they are experienced.
This chapter provides an overview of recent developments in the field of youth justice and penality in the United Kingdom. The chapter argues that a theoretical focus on macro-level trends (Hannah-Moffat and Lynch, 2012), alongside a narrowly defined research agenda, have largely excluded young people’s experiences of justice and punishment from contemporary analysis. Drawing on young people experiences of different aspects of youth justice in Northern Ireland and beyond, the chapter illuminates what a close understanding of lived experience can add to knowledge. In particular it demonstrates that the effects of interventions can be different to their aims and intentions; and that re-instating the youth experience can add support to calls for greater attention to wider issues of social justice.
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O presente trabalho de investigação centra-se no estudo das reclamações em matéria de ambiente submetidas às Câmaras dos municípios envolventes à Ria de Aveiro entre os anos de 2000 e 2007. Pretendeu compreender-se de que forma podem ser caracterizadas as reclamações, nomeadamente a análise temporal, os principais atores envolvidos na apresentação e na resolução das reclamações, os imputados pelos problemas ambientais levantados, as tipologias de problemas de ambiente associadas às reclamações, o padrão territorial que assumem e as resoluções aplicadas. Procurou ainda compreender-se até que ponto a existência de um ecossistema em comum aos municípios, a Ria de Aveiro, influencia os tipos de problemas ambientais que têm sido alvo de reclamações e quais são os fatores que determinam as semelhanças e as diferenças encontradas no estudo das reclamações por municípios. A metodologia do trabalho consistiu, sumariamente, na revisão da literatura da especialidade com o objetivo de identificar o que tem sido desenvolvido nesse ramo de investigação, na caracterização da área de estudo e no desenvolvimento de uma estrutura metodológica para a identificação e a análise das reclamações e para a ponderação dos resultados com as perceções dos líderes locais através da realização de entrevistas. O enquadramento teórico do estudo salientou os principais aspetos referidos no domínio dos protestos ambientais e das reclamações do público sobre o ambiente, bem como o quadro concetual relativo à governação ambiental local. Adicionalmente, descreveram-se um breve panorama dos protestos ambientais em Portugal, dos quadros legislativos Europeu e nacional assentes no direito de acesso à informação ambiental e no princípio da participação, bem como os procedimentos locais para a apresentação de reclamações ambientais. Apresentou-se também a caracterização dos municípios abrangidos, destacando-se os principais aspetos socioeconómicos, ambientais, de infraestruturação, os instrumentos de planeamento e de gestão do território e do ambiente e o enquadramento institucional relativo à gestão ambiental nos municípios, constituindo informações relevantes para o enquadramento da área de estudo e um suporte útil para a análise e a interpretação dos resultados. Os resultados obtidos permitiram evidenciar que, no geral, há um aumento do número de reclamações ao longo dos anos. Como principais atores envolvidos, foi possível destacar os munícipes como os mais participativos, tendo se revelado também como os principais responsáveis pelos problemas ambientais observados. Para além das Câmaras Municipais, as instituições policiais surgem como as principais entidades requeridas na resolução dos problemas. As reclamações refletem sobretudo problemas localizados e que interferem com o quotidiano dos cidadãos, tais como a limpeza de terrenos, os depósitos de lixo a céu aberto ou o saneamento básico. Os problemas enunciados tendem a concentrar-se nas áreas mais urbanizadas e com maior densidade populacional. A intensidade, a tipologia e a distribuição territorial das reclamações são também determinadas pelas fronteiras administrativas. Contrariamente ao esperado, a Ria não constitui um fator mobilizador de reclamações ambientais dirigidas às Câmaras Municipais. Os diferentes mecanismos de submissão de reclamações, as políticas e prioridades de gestão ambiental local, a par da perceção ambiental das populações, influenciam esses resultados. A análise da resolução das reclamações mostrou que, embora a maior parte tenha sido equacionada pelos governos locais, uma percentagem significativa permaneceu em aberto. Apesar de ter sido detetada uma relevante concordância entre os principais problemas de ambiente referidos nos planos municipais de ambiente ou das Agendas 21 Locais existentes, as reclamações informam sobre problemas que nem sempre estão considerados naqueles instrumentos e que requerem atenção por parte dos governos locais. Adicionalmente, a ponderação entre os resultados obtidos a partir do estudo as reclamações e as perceções dos líderes locais acerca das exposições do público mostra que, apesar de uma perceção consistente sobre os problemas ambientais dominantes, há ainda um caminho relevante a percorrer para consolidar os sistemas municipais de receção, tratamento e análise das reclamações. O estudo desenvolvido ressalta o potencial que as reclamações ambientais incorporam enquanto fontes de informação sobre a tipologia de problemas ambientais persistentes, a sua localização e os principais atores envolvidos. Essa informação é crucial no momento em que se desenvolvem ou reveem instrumentos locais de gestão e de planeamento ambiental. Ao destacar o potencial das reclamações em matéria de ambiente, o trabalho propõe um conjunto de recomendações que permitem às Câmaras Municipais enriquecerem o sistema de gestão da informação proporcionada pelas reclamações, a sua utilização, e, em consequência, melhorar as relações de confiança entre o público e a Autarquia e a própria a governação ambiental local.
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This report provides an overview of the recycling and buying recycled activities of state agencies and colleges/universities for fiscal year 2015.
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During the interwar period (1919-1939) protagonists of the early New Zealand Olympic Committee [NZOC] worked to renegotiate and improve the country’s international sporting participation and involvement in the International Olympic Committee [IOC]. To this end, NZOC effectively used its locally based administrators and well-placed expatriates in Britain to variously assert the organisation’s nascent autonomy, independence and political power, progress Antipodean athlete’s causes, and, counter any potential doubt about the nation’s peripheral position in imperial sporting dialogues. Adding to the corpus of scholarship on New Zealand’s ties and tribulations with imperial Britain (in and beyond sport) (e.g. Beilharz and Cox 2007; Belich 2001, 2007; Coombes 2006; MacLean 2010; Phillips 1984, 1987; Ryan 2004, 2005, 2007), in this paper I examine how the political actions and strategic location of three key NZOC agents (specifically, administrator Harry Amos and expatriates Arthur Porritt and Jack Lovelock) worked in their own particular ways to assert the position of the organisation within the global Olympic fraternity. I argue that the efforts of Amos, Porritt and Lovelock also concomitantly served to remind Commonwealth sporting colleagues (namely Britain and Australia) that New Zealand could not be characterised as, or relegated to being, a distal, subdued, or subservient colonial sporting partner. Subsequently I contend that NZOC’s development during the interwar period, and particularly the utility of expatriate agents, can be contextualised against historiographical shifts that encourage us to rethink, reimagine, and rework narratives of empire, colonisation, national identity, commonwealth and belonging.
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During the interwar period (1919–1939), protagonists of the early New Zealand Olympic Committee (NZOC) worked to renegotiate and improve the country's international sporting participation and involvement in the International Olympic Committee. To this end, NZOC effectively used its locally based administrators and well-placed expatriates in Britain to variously assert the organization's nascent autonomy, independence and political power, progress Antipodean athlete's causes and counter any potential doubt about the nation's peripheral position in imperial sporting dialogues. Adding to the corpus of scholarship on New Zealand's ties and tribulations with imperial Britain, both in and beyond sport (e.g. Beilharz and Cox, 2007, “Settler Capitalism Revisited,” Thesis Eleven 88: 112–124; Belich, 2001, Paradise Reforged: A History of the New Zealanders from the 1880s to the Year 2000, Auckland: Allen Lane; Belich, 2007, Making Peoples: A History of the New Zealanders from Polynesian Settlement to the End of the Nineteenth Century, Auckland: The Penguin Group; Coombes, 2006, Rethinking Settler Colonialism: History and Memory in Australia, Canada, Aotearoa New Zealand and South Africa, Manchester: Manchester University Press; MacLean, 2010, “New Zealand (Aotearoa),” In Routledge Companion to Sports History, edited by Steve W. Pope and John Nauright, 510–525, London: Routledge; Phillips, 1984, “Rugby, War and the Mythology of the New Zealand Male,” The New Zealand Journal of History 18 (1): 83–103; Phillips, 1987, A Man's Country: The Image of the Pakeha Male, Auckland: Penguin Books; Ryan, 2004, The Making of New Zealand Cricket, 1832–1914, London: Frank Cass; Ryan, 2005, Tackling Rugby Myths: Rugby and New Zealand Society 1854–2004, Dunedin: University of Otago Press; Ryan, 2007, “Sport in 19th-Century Aotearoa/New Zealand: Opportunities and Constraints,” In Sport in Aotearoa/New Zealand Society, edited by Chris Collins and Steve Jackson, 96–111, Auckland: Thomson), I will examine how the political actions and strategic location of three key NZOC agents (specifically, administrator Harry Amos and expatriates Arthur Porritt and Jack Lovelock) worked in their own particular ways to assert the position of the organization within the global Olympic fraternity. I argue that the efforts of Amos, Porritt and Lovelock also concomitantly served to remind Commonwealth sporting colleagues (namely Britain and Australia) that New Zealand could not be characterized as, or relegated to being, a distal, subdued or subservient colonial sporting partner. Subsequently, I contend that NZOC's development during the interwar period, and particularly the utility of expatriate agents, can be contextualized against historiographical shifts that encourage us to rethink, reimagine and rework narratives of empire, colonization, national identity, commonwealth and belonging.
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The aim of this article is to examine the composition and patterns of recruitment of the ministries’directors-general, as well as to assess the interconnections between bureaucracy and politics, from the beginnings of Regeneração (1851) until the breakdown of Monarchy (1910). The post of director-general was considered one of “political trust”, that might be filled by individuals from outside the civil service, and the selection and de-selection of officeholders depended exclusively on the ministers’ will. Nonetheless, most directors-general were experienced bureaucrats, boasting a steady career as civil servants, and remained in office for long terms, regardless of ministerial discontinuities. In other words, High Administration became relatively immune to party-driven politics. Due to their professional background and lengthy tenure, directors-general were usually highly skilled specialists, combining technical expertise and practical knowledge of the wheels of state bureaucracy. Hence, they were often influential actors in policy-making, playing an active (and sometimes decisive) part behind the scenes, in both designing and implementing government policies. As regards their social profile, directors-general formed a cohesive and homogeneous elite group: being predominantly drawn from urban middle class milieus, highly educated, and appointed to office in their forties.
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1900 (A21).
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1916 (A37).
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1892 (A13).
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1913 (A34).
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1899 (A20).
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1880 (A1).
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1896 (A17).
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1893 (A14).