952 resultados para working capacity - employment
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Annual Report for the Iowa Civil Rights Commission
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Annual Report for the Iowa Civil Rights Commission
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The first phase of this research involved an effort to identify the issues relevant to gaining a better understanding of the County Engineering profession. A related objective was to develop strategies to attract responsible, motivated and committed professionals to pursue County Engineering positions. In an era where a large percentage of County Engineers are reaching retirement age, the shrinking employment pool may eventually jeopardize the quality of secondary road systems not only in Iowa, but nationwide. As we move toward the 21st century, in an era of declining resources, it is likely that professional staff members in charge of secondary roads will find themselves working with less flexible budgets for the construction and maintenance of roads and bridges. It was important to understand the challenges presented to them, and the degree to which those challenges will demand greater expertise in prioritizing resource allocations for the rehabilitation and maintenance of the 10 million miles of county roads nationwide. Only after understanding what a county engineer is and what this person does will it become feasible for the profession to begin "selling itself", i.e., attracting a new generation of County Engineers. Reaching this objective involved examining the responsibilities, goals, and, sometimes, the frustrations experienced by those persons in charge of secondary road systems in the nine states that agreed to participate in the study. The second phase of this research involved addressing ways to counter the problems associated with the exodus of County Engineers who are reaching retirement age. Many of the questions asked of participants asked them to compare the advantages and disadvantages of public sector work with the private sector. Based on interviews with nearly 50 County Engineers and feedback from 268 who returned surveys for the research, issues relevant to the profession were analyzed and recommendations were made to the profession as it prepares to attract a new generation. It was concluded that both State and Regional Associations for County Engineers, and the National Association of County Engineers are most well-situated to present opportunities for continued professional development. This factor is appealing for those who are interested in competitive advantages as professionals. While salaries in the public sector may not be able to effectively compete with those offered by the private sector, it was concluded that this is only one factor of concern to those who are in the business of "public service". It was concluded, however, that Boards of Supervisors and their equivalents in other states will need to more clearly understand the value of the contributions made by County Engineers. Then the selling points the profession can hope to capitalize on can focus on the strength of state organizations and a strong national organization that act as clearinghouses of information and advocates for the profession, as well as anchors that provide opportunities for staying current on issues and technologies.
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The objective of this paper is to distinguish between different types of working poverty, on the basis of the mechanisms that produce it. Whereas the poverty literature identifies a myriad of risk factors and of categories of disadvantaged workers, we focus on three immediate causes of working poverty, namely low wage rate, weak labour force attachment, and high needs, the latter mainly due to the presence of children (and sometimes to the increase in needs caused by a divorce). These three mechanisms are the channels through which macroeconomic, demographic and policy factors have a direct bearing on working households. The main assumption tested here is that welfare regimes strongly influence the relative weight of these three mechanisms in producing working poverty, and, hence, the composition of the working-poor population. Our figures confirm this hypothesis and show that low-wage employment is a key factor, but, by far, not the only one and that family policies broadly understood play a decisive role, as well as patterns of labour market participation and integration.
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In order to identify the main social policy tools that can efficiently combat working poverty, it is essential to identify its main driving factors. More importantly, this work shows that all poverty factors identified in the literature have a direct bearing on working households through three mechanisms, namely being badly paid, having a below-average workforce participation, and high needs. One of the main purposes of this work is to assess whether the policies put forward in the specialist literature as potentially efficient really work. This is done in two ways. A first empirical prong provides an evaluation of the employment and antipoverty effects of these instruments, based on a meta-analysis of four instruments: minimum wages, tax credits for working households, family cash benefits and childcare policies. The second prong relies on a broader framework based on welfare regimes. This work contributes to the identification of a typology of welfare regimes that is suitable for the analysis of working poverty, and four countries are chosen to exemplify each regime: the US, Sweden, Germany, and Spain. It then moves on to show that the weight of the three working poverty mechanisms varies widely from one welfare regime to the other. This second empirical contribution clearly shows that there is no "one-size-fits-all" approach to the fight against working poverty. But none of this is possible without having properly defined the phenomenon. Most of the literature is characterized by a "definitional chaos" that probably does more harm than good to social policy efforts. Hence, this book provides a conceptual reflection pleading for the use of a very encompassing definition of being in work. It shows that "the working poor" is too broad a category to be used for meaningful academic or policy discussion, and that a distinction must be operated between different categories of the working poor. Failing to acknowledge this prevents the design of an efficient policy mix.
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Transportation planners typically use census data or small sample surveys to help estimate work trips in metropolitan areas. Census data are cheap to use but are only collected every 10 years and may not provide the answers that a planner is seeking. On the other hand, small sample survey data are fresh but can be very expensive to collect. This project involved using database and geographic information systems (GIS) technology to relate several administrative data sources that are not usually employed by transportation planners. These data sources included data collected by state agencies for unemployment insurance purposes and for drivers licensing. Together, these data sources could allow better estimates of the following information for a metropolitan area or planning region: · Locations of employers (work sites); · Locations of employees; · Travel flows between employees’ homes and their work locations. The required new employment database was created for a large, multi-county region in central Iowa. When evaluated against the estimates of a metropolitan planning organization, the new database did allow for a one to four percent improvement in estimates over the traditional approach. While this does not sound highly significant, the approach using improved employment data to synthesize home-based work (HBW) trip tables was particularly beneficial in improving estimated traffic on high-capacity routes. These are precisely the routes that transportation planners are most interested in modeling accurately. Therefore, the concept of using improved employment data for transportation planning was considered valuable and worthy of follow-up research.
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Annualising work hours (AH) is a means of achievement flexibility in the use of human resources to face the seasonal nature of demand. In Corominas et al. (1) two MILP models are used to solve the problem of planning staff working hours with annual horizon. The costs due to overtime and to the employment of temporary workers are minimised, and the distribution of working time over the course of the year for each worker and the distribution of working time provided by temporary workers are regularised.In the aforementioned paper, the following is assumed: (i) the holiday weeks are fixed a priori and (ii) the workers are from different categories who are able to perform specific type of task have se same efficiency; moreover, the values of the binary variables (and others) in the second model are fixed to those in the first model (thus, in the second model these will intervene as constants and not as variables, resulting in an LP model).In the present paper, these assumptions are relaxed and a more general problem is solved. The computational experiment leads to the conclusion that MILP is a technique suited to dealing with the problem.
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Flexitime : between autonomy and constraints. A case study in SwitzerlandBy looking at how a new regulation is translated into everyday practices, this dissertation explores through a specific case study the degree of autonomy gained by wage-earners with the introduction of flexible working schedules. The guiding hypothesis is that by introducing procedural rules, flexitime opens the space for more daily negotiations, therefore reinforcing the effects of power relations inherent to employment relationships. The goal is to understand, through a sociological approach, how employees experience a form of working time that transfers responsibility for time management to them, and howthey integrate work-related constraints with their life outside the workplace. The first part of the dissertation sets up the context of the case study. It offers a definition of flexibility by situating it in the broader history of work time, as well as in relation to various organizational forms and cultural transformations. An international literature review and a focus on the Swiss case are offered. In the second part, the focus is narrowed to a specificSwiss firm specialized in mail-order, where a system of individualized management of annual work time has been introduced. By combining a quantitative and qualitative approach, it is possible to analyze determinants of the practices internal to the firm anddeterminants related to employees themselves, as well as the way in which employees articulate these two orders of constraints. The results show that the implementation of flexible working time is not affecting daily negotiation practices so much as it is creating a set of informal rules. The autonomy ofwage-earners is expressed first and foremost through their capacity to produce, negotiate, and legitimate these rules. The intraindividual level has proven to be central for the social regulation of flexible working time. It is not so much a question of legitimation, but rather the process of institutionalization nurtured by the energy invested by wage-earners in their personal quest for a compromise between their various roles, identities, and aspirations. It is this individualized regulation that is ensuring the success of the system under study.
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Most corporate codes of conduct and multi-stakeholder sustainability standards guarantee workers' rights to freedom of association and collective bargaining, but many authors are sceptical about the concrete impact of codes and standards of this kind. In this paper we use Hancher and Moran's (1998) concept of 'regulatory space' to assess the potential of private transnational regulation to support the growth of trade union membership and collective bargaining relationships, drawing on some preliminary case study results from a project on the impact of the International Finance Corporation's (IFC) social conditionality on worker organization and social dialogue. One of the major effects of neoliberal economic and industrial policy has been the routine exclusion of workers' organizations from regulatory processes on the grounds that they introduce inappropriate 'political' motives into what ought to be technical decision-making processes. This, rather than any direct attack on their capacity to take action, is what seems best to explain the global decline in union influence (Cradden 2004; Howell 2007; Howe 2012). The evidence we present in the paper suggests that private labour regulation may under certain conditions contribute to a reversal of this tendency, re-establishing the legitimacy of workers' organizations within regulatory processes and by extension the legitimacy of their use of economic and social power. We argue that guarantees of freedom of association and bargaining rights within private regulation schemes are effective to the extent that they can be used by workers' organizations in support of a claim for access to the regulatory space within which the terms and conditions of the employment relationship are determined. Our case study evidence shows that certain trade unions in East Africa have indeed been able to use IFC and other private regulation schemes as levers to win recognition from employers and to establish collective bargaining relationships. Although they did not attempt to use formal procedures to make a claim for the enforcement of freedom of association rights on behalf of their members, the unions did use enterprises' adherence to private regulation schemes as a normative point of reference in argument and political exchange about worker representation. For these unions, the regulation was a useful addition to the range of arguments that they could deploy as means to justify their demand for recognition by employers. By contrast, the private regulation that helps workers' organizations to win access to regulatory processes does little to ensure that they are able to participate meaningfully, whether in terms of technical capacity or of their ability to mobilize social power as a counterweight to the economic power of employers. To the extent that our East African unions were able to make an impact on terms and conditions of employment via their participation in regulatory space it was solely on the basis of their own capacities and resources and the application of national labour law.
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The purpose of this article is to provide policy guidance on how to assess the capacity of minor adolescents for autonomous decision-making without a third party authorization, in the field of clinical care. In June 2014, a two-day meeting gathered 20 professionals from all continents, working in the field of adolescent medicine, neurosciences, developmental and clinical psychology, sociology, ethics, and law. Formal presentations and discussions were based on a literature search and the participants' experience. The assessment of adolescent decision-making capacity includes the following: (1) a review of the legal context consistent with the principles of the Convention on the Rights of the Child; (2) an empathetic relationship between the adolescent and the health care professional/team; (3) the respect of the adolescent's developmental stage and capacities; (4) the inclusion, if relevant, of relatives, peers, teachers, or social and mental health providers with the adolescent's consent; (5) the control of coercion and other social forces that influence decision-making; and (6) a deliberative stepwise appraisal of the adolescent's decision-making process. This stepwise approach, already used among adults with psychiatric disorders, includes understanding the different facets of the given situation, reasoning on the involved issues, appreciating the outcomes linked with the decision(s), and expressing a choice. Contextual and psychosocial factors play pivotal roles in the assessment of adolescents' decision-making capacity. The evaluation must be guided by a well-established procedure, and health professionals should be trained accordingly. These proposals are the first to have been developed by a multicultural, multidisciplinary expert panel.
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The central theme for this study is graduate employment and employability in European-wide discussion. In this study, the complex relationships between higher education and the world of work are explored from the vantage point of how individuals make use of the higher education system in their transition from education to employment. The variation among individual transition processes in nine European countries is analysed with the help of a comparable graduate survey. Countries in this study are Italy, Spain, France, Austria, Germany, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Finland, and Norway. The data used for the study is commonly known as the “CHEERS” or “Careers after Higher Education, A European Research Survey.” The data was collected in 1999. The study discusses the possibilities and limitations the higher education system has in supporting the initial education-to-work transitions of youth. The study also addresses problems with comparing national higher education systems in terms of enrolment and graduate employability. A central purpose for this study is to reflect on concerns about the prolongation of individual transitions with a framework that simultaneously considers both the graduate employability and the duration of the education-to-work transition process. The key concept for this study is the standard student/graduate; synonym concepts are the traditional and the conventional student/graduate. Standard graduates are relatively young individuals who are performing their initial transition from education to working-life and who complete the degree-earning process within the stipulated time frame. In all nine countries, standard graduates make up a considerable share of the student flow, passing from higher education to the labour markets. The share of standard graduates is by far the largest in France, where they comprise the overwhelming mass. The proportion of the standard graduates is the lowest in Italy, Finland, and Austria where approximately one in four graduates completed the process of higher education within the stipulated time frame. Of the nine countries compared, employability of the whole graduate population is the greatest in Norway, the UK, Finland, and the Netherlands. Compared with employability of the whole graduate population, variation among the countries is considerably reduced when reviewing the employability of only the standard graduates. Thereby, even though the ranking among countries remains largely unchanged, the variations among them are smaller when the duration of degree earning process is standardized. The study also discusses other ideal types of student careers (or transition processes) besides the standard student/graduate. Results of regression analyses indicate that that at the pan-European level analysis, the graduate labour markets are not heavily segmented in terms of the type of the individual transition process. When considering within-country differences between the graduates, the field of studies is clearly a more powerful explanatory variable than the type of the transition process. There are, nevertheless, clear indications that, irrespective of the country, chances of finding a high status job are, on the average, highest amongst those who graduate within the stipulated duration of the degree program and who thereby have experienced the standard student career, whereas, participating in working life while studying protects against unemployment after finishing one’s degree.
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The impact of transnational private regulation on labour standards remains in dispute. While studies have provided some limited evidence of positive effects on 'outcome standards' such as wages or occupational health and safety, the literature gives little reason to believe that there has been any significant effect on 'process rights' relating primarily to collective workers' voice and social dialogue. This paper probes this assumption by bringing local contexts and worker agency more fully into the picture. It outlines an analytical framework that emphasizes workers' potential to act collectively for change in the regulatory space surrounding the employment relationship. It argues that while transnational private regulation on labour standards may marginally improve workers access to regulatory spaces and their capacity to require the inclusion of enterprises in them, it does little to increase union leverage. The findings are based on empirical research work conducted in Sub-Saharan Africa.
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The expansion of flexible work experienced since the 1980s in developed economies is consistent with a more generic trend towards organizational flexibility, which many authors see as essential in order to compete in the dynamic global environment (Volberda, 1998). From this point of view, the changing demands of the environment have forced organizations to seek the ability to adapt rapidly and effectively as a means to be successful or even to survive. In the quest for flexibility, every area of the organization has been scrutinized in order to render it as ¿agile¿ as possible. In the human resources arena, this analysis has led to the definition of diverse ¿flexible working practices¿ (FWP) that describe a wide range of employment practices, which differ from the traditional full-time job with a fixed salary and a permanent contract. These practices have been described using other terms, such as ¿alternative¿ (Polivka, 1996; Powell & Mainiero, 1999), ¿non-standard¿ (Kalleberg, 2000), or ¿atypical¿ (De Grip, Hoevenberg, &m Willems, 1997), which coincide in denoting their divergence from the most traditional forms of employment. This article will show that quite different practices have been embraced by the common term ¿flexible working practices.¿ Subsequently, the results of empirical research regarding the implications for organizational performance of a number of flexible practices will be commented on.