867 resultados para political power


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O presente trabalho tem como objetivo o estudo da rebeldia negra nos anos antecedentes a escravidão e suas conseqüências, tanto social como educacional. O fato da Província de São Paulo ter se tornado uma grande exportadora de café fez dela um forte centro escravocrata. Não se pode negar a influência de quatro séculos de escravidão, nem tão pouco seus efeitos sobre a nação. Em 13 de maio de 1888 fora decretada a abolição, e esta medida lançou nas ruas uma multidão de negros livres sem qualquer perspectiva de futuro. Não foram preparados para viver em liberdade, a sociedade não estava organizada para recebê-los como trabalhadores livres e pagar por seu trabalho. Ao olhar de muitos eram tidos como preguiçosos, vadios e desordeiros. Nunca foram tratados como iguais, mas sim como uma raça medíocre e inferior, onde a imoralidade e os excessos chegam a um ponto irreversível, caso não sejam controlados. Diante dessa situação, fazia-se necessário traçar planos para conter os excessos e o furor da grande massa de libertos soltos pelas ruas, torna-se de extrema urgência a utilização de meios diversos a fim de manter o controle social, inculcando na mente da população negra os malefícios causados pelas revoltas, o dever de trabalhar, o abandono dos vícios. Para tanto, os intelectuais, políticos e os grandes exportadores (que representavam o poder econômico da época), passam a utilizar-se de diversos meios para propagação dos valores republicanos, jornais, conferências políticas, boletins e também o sistema educacional. Por meios de livros de leitura, artigos em revistas educacionais, adição de novas disciplinas no currículo escolar e até mesmo a ação do professor em sala de aula visavam a docilização dos costumes do povo. Os republicanos que assumiram o poder político do país não estavam apenas preocupados em educar os poucos que tinham acesso à escolarização, mas também, através do exemplo, educar e acalmar os ânimos dos negros vadios e preguiçosos que não podiam freqüentar a escola. Daí resulta tamanha preocupação com o estabelecimento de regras, organização, respeito e punições no ambiente escolar recém reestruturado (AU)

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Numa perspectiva sociológica, este trabalho tem o objetivo de identificar o perfil profissional do supervisor de ensino que atua na Secretaria de Estado da Educação de São Paulo, verificando se sua atuação está voltada ao pedagógico ou ao administrativo e qual o compromisso político e as concepções educacionais destes profissionais. Apoiando-se em Tragtenberg, Silva Jr e Huert, entre outros autores que abordam, especificamente, a supervisão de ensino, procurou-se fazer uma analise histórica da legislação, de planilhas e dos dados que foram colhidos através de depoimentos e entrevistas com supervisores de ensino efetivos de três Diretorias de Ensino da Grande São Paulo. O resultado da pesquisa aponta para a predominância de um perfil burocrático e de fiscalização na ação do supervisor de ensino, bem como de executor das políticas públicas e não partícipe da sua elaboração. O supervisor de ensino é um representante de um poder político que favorece uma determinada ordem, mesmo que exista uma tentativa de superação de uma representatividade unilateral dentro da supervisão de ensino.(AU)

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Este estudo visa analisar as interferencias do Banco Mundial na Educacao Brasileira a partir do estudo de seis teses (aqui identificadas pelas iniciais A,B,C, D, E e F) de doutorado relativas ao tema, defendidas na Universidade Estadual de Campinas (Unicamp), sendo quatro delas (A, B, C, e D) voltadas a area de educacao e duas (E e F) a area de Ciencias Sociais e Economia. O estudo das teses parte dos objetivos de cada uma, que podem ser resumidos da seguinte forma: a Tese A - ¡ªA Mundializacao da Educacao: o Projeto Neoliberal de Sociedade e de Educacao no Brasil e na Venezuela. (MELO, 2003) -, sob a orientacao do Prof. Dr. Nilson Joseph Demange, teve como objetivo investigar o processo de mundializacao da educacao como elemento de uma nova fase de internacionalizacao e acumulacao capitalista, conduzida hegemonicamente pelos sujeitos politicos coletivos que assumem o projeto neoliberal de sociabilidade, especialmente o Fundo Monetario Internacional e o Banco Mundial, que buscam ser condutores das reformas estruturais para a America Latina e Caribe; a Tese B . ¡ªO Capital Financeiro e a Educacao no Brasil. (DEITOS, 2005) -, sob a orientacao da Profa. Dra. Maria Elizabete Sampaio Prado Xavier, teve como objetivo definir quais as consequencias da consolidacao do projeto, para a redefinicao das politicas educacionais na America Latina e Caribe; a Tese C . ¡ªGlobalizacao e Descentralizacao: o Processo de Desconstrucao do Sistema Educacional Brasileiro pela Via da Municipalizacao. (ROSAR, 1995) -, sob a orientacao do Prof. Dr. Demerval Saviani, teve como objetivo analisar as reformas educacionais empreendidas no Brasil, no periodo de 1995-2002, particularmente a politica educacional nacional para o ensino medio e profissional, com financiamento externo do Banco Internacional para Reforma e Desenvolvimento (BIRD); a Tese D . ¡ªAs Politicas Educacionais para o Desenvolvimento e o Trabalho Docente. (SOUZA, 1999) ., sob a orientacao da Profa. Dra. Liliana Rolisen Petrilli Segnini, trata da politica educacional para o ensino de 1¨¬ grau, tracada segundo a visao de seu autor no ambito de projetos federais, com o objetivo de induzir a municipalizacao do ensino, transferindo encargos para o municipio, sem a realizacao de investimentos financeiros satisfatorios nessa instancia; a Tese E . ¡ªEconomia, poder e influencias externa: O Grupo Banco Mundial e as Politicas de Ajustes Estruturais na America Latina, nas Decadas de Oitenta e Noventa. (COELHO, 2002) ., sob a orientacao do Prof. Dr. Sebastiao Carlos Velasco e Cruz, teve como objetivo analisar as relacoes entre o projeto educacional implementado pelo governo estadual, no periodo entre 1995 e 1998 e suas concepcoes de politicas educacionais; a Tese F - ¡ªA Questao Social e os Limites do Projeto Liberal no Brasil. (GIMENES, 2007) ., sob a orientacao do Prof. Dr. Carlos Alonso Barbosa de Oliveira, teve como objetivo analisar a relacao entre a economia, o poder politico e a influencia externa, focalizando o Grupo Banco Mundial e os programas de ajustamento estrutural na America Latina. Por fim este estudo mescla teses brasileiras advindas da area da Educacao e da Economia; foca o banco mundial e sua influencia no Brasil, oferecendo uma visao das conexoes logicas existentes entre elas. Como conclusao deste trabalho, apresentaremos as consideracoes finais de cada uma das teses, bem como as limitacoes e sugestoes para

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This chapter illustrates extratextual and intratextual aspects of ideology as related to translation with a case study, a policy document by Tony Blair and Gerhard Schröder, jointly published in English and German in June 1999. Textual features of the two language versions are compared and linked to the social contexts. Concepts and methods of critical discourse analysis and of descriptive and functionalist approaches to translation are applied for this purpose. In particular, reactions to the German text in Germany are explained with reference to the socio-political and ideological conditions of the text production, which was a case of parallel text production combined with translation. It is illustrated that decisions at the linguistic micro-level have had effects for a political party, reflected for example in the German Social Democratic Party debating its identity due to the textual treatment of ideological keywords. The subtle differences revealed in a comparative analysis of the two texts indicate the text producers' awareness of ideological phenomena in the respective cultures. Both texts thus serve as windows onto ideologies and political power relations in the contemporary world.

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Despite widespread persecution, Orthodox churches not only survived the Cold War period but levels of religiosity in Orthodox countries remained significant. This book examines the often surprising relations between Orthodox churches and political regimes. It provides a comprehensive overview of the dynamics between Eastern Christianity and politics from the end of the Second World War to the fall of communism, covering 40 Orthodox churches including diasporic churches in Africa, Asia, America and Australia. Based on research from recently-opened archives and publications in a wide range of European languages, it analyses church-state relations on both sides of the Iron Curtain. It discusses the following key themes: the relationship between Orthodox churches and political power; religious resistance to communism; the political control of churches; religion and propaganda; monasticism and theological publications; religious diplomacy within the Orthodox commonwealth; and religious contacts between East and West.

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This study investigates the search for the third way in the history of German Christian Democracy. Today, in the United Kingdom, the 'third way' is seen as a new phenomenon, a synthesis of post-war belief in the welfare state and neo-liberal conservatism. Yet it insufficiently acknowledges that the origins of third way thinking, the marriage of social justice with free market economics, of individualism with collective responsibility, are found in the early philosophies of Catholic Social Theory and Protestant Social Ethical Teaching in Germany. This study shows that in the hundred years from the 1840s to the end of the 1940s, there were Catholic and Protestant socio-ethical thinkers and political reformists in Germany who attempted to bridge the philosophical differences between liberalism and socialism, to develop a socio-economic order based on Christian moral values. It will focus on the period 1945-1949, when the CDU was founded as the first interdenominational, Christian party. The study provides the first comprehensive account of the political debates in Christian democratic groups in the Soviet, British, French and American allied occupied zones, also giving equal attention to the contribution from the Protestant wing, alongside the more widely acknowledged role of Catholics in the birth of the CDU. It examines how Christian Democrats envisaged correcting the aberrations of German history, by uniting all social classes and Christian religions in one all-embracing Volkspartei, and transforming party politics from its earlier obsession with sectarian and ideological interests towards a more pragmatic 'third way' programme. The study argues that through the making of its ideology, the CDU modified the nation's understanding of its history, re-interpreted its traditions, and redefined the meaning and perception of established political philosophies. This reveals how the ambiguity of political terminology, and the flexible practice of 'third way' politics, were an invaluable political resource in the CDU's campaign for unity, ideological legitimisation and political power.

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As public policy issues increasingly have a technical aspect to them an interactive relationship has developed between science and policy. The aim of this thesis is to investigate the two aspects of this relationship: the influence of science on policy and the influence of policy implications on science. Most existing studies in this area treat only one or other of these aspects. Furthermore, they tend to provide interesting case study material but very little theoretical analysis. This thesis attempts to overcome these problems by dealing with both aspects of the interaction between science and policy and by providing theoretical models of this relationship. The thesis combines the theoretical development of these models with the analysis of three empirical case studies: the controversy in Britain over smoking and health; the application of educational psychology to the development of education policy in Britain; the controversy over the health effect of lead in the environment. The theoretical models are developed in Part 1. In Part 2 the empirical case studies are presented and in Part 3 the theoretical material is assessed in the light of these case studies. The main thesis of this study is that there is a fundamental mismatch between science and policy-making. Criticism is always essential in science. However, when science is involved in the policy process, either scientific claims are not subjected to a significant level of criticism or they are scrutinized so closely that no view achieves general consensus and conflicting advice results. In this situation, contrary to the traditional view, science can generate uncertainty. The role which science plays in the policy process is influenced by this level of criticism, by the context of political power and by the progress of an issue through the various stages of the policy process.

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The paper investigates the relationship between civil society and the state. Using the unique lens of the state-substitution (the process whereby civil society organisations take on government roles) the paper reviews the literature and highlights three key issues: - Civil society is weak in Russia and its contribution to democracy development is limited - The Russian State has be withdrawing from its responsibilities to care for its citizens, leaving a field of opportunity for civil society organisations. - The state has subsequently began to encroach on civil society organisations mainly through the use of legislative changes and government sponsored organisations These trends have far reaching implications for civil society organisations, in particular those which take up or take over government roles and responsibilities. The literary evidence shows that the Russian state leverages its political power into the sphere of civil society similar to how it regained control over the economy in the early 2000s. This Russian variant of civil society attributes the state as a key player in all societal spheres.

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Animal celebrity is a human creation informing us about our socially constructed natural world. It is relational, expressive of cultural proclivities, political power plays and the quotidian everyday, as well as serious philosophical reflections on the meaning of being human. This article attempts to outline some key contours in the genealogy of animal celebrity, showing how popular culture, including fairground attractions, public relations, Hollywood movies, documentary films, zoo attractions, commercial sport and mediatised moral panics - particularly those accompanying scientific developments such as cloning - help to order, categorise and license aspects of human understanding and feelings. The nature of [animal] charisma and celebrity are explored with assistance from Jumbo the Elephant, Guy the Gorilla, Paul the clairvoyant octopus, Uggie the film star, Nénette the orang-utan and Dolly the sheep. It argues that the issue of what it is to be human lies beneath the celebritised surface or, as Donna Haraway noted, the issue 'of having to face oneself'. © 2013 Taylor & Francis.

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Mobile phones have the potential of fostering political mobilisation. There is a significant political power in mobile technology. Like the Internet, mobile phones facilitate communication and rapid access to information. Compared to the Internet, however, mobile phone diffusion has reached a larger proportion of the population in most countries, and thus the impact of this new medium is conceivably greater. There are now more mobile phones in the UK than there are people (averaging at 121 mobile phones for every 100 people). In this paper, the attempt to use modern mobile technology to handle the General Election, is discussed. The pre-election advertising, election day issues, including the election news and results as they come in, and answering questions via text message regarding the results of current and/or previous general elections are considered.

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This paper deals with legal unorthodoxy. The main idea is to study the so-called unorthodox taxes Hungary has adopted in recent years. The study of unorthodox taxes will be preceded by a more general discussion of how law is made under unorthodoxy, and what are the special features of unorthodox legal policy. Unorthodoxy challenges equality before the law and is critical towards mass democracies. It also raises doubts on the operability of the rule of law, relying on personal skills, or loyalty, rather than on impersonal mechanisms arising from checks and balances as developed by the division of political power. Besides, for lack of legal suppositions, legislation suffers from casuistry and regulatory capture.

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This paper deals with legal unorthodoxy. The main idea is to study the so-called unorthodox taxes Hungary has adopted in recent years. The study of unorthodox taxes will be preceded by a more general discussion of how law is made under unorthodoxy, and what are the special features of unorthodox legal policy. Unorthodoxy challenges equality before the law and is critical towards mass democracies. It also raises doubts on the operability of the rule of law, relying on personal skills, or loyalty, rather than on impersonal mechanisms arising from checks and balances as developed by the division of political power. Besides, for lack of legal suppositions, legislation suffers from casuistry and regulatory capture.

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The brothel, as a ‘symbolic location’ was the object of analysis in this dissertation, ascribable to its unusual and recurrent presence in Latin American narrative. The brothel was presented as a scenario, with polyvalent implications of both the space itself, as well as the different archetypes of the characters who occupy it. ^ Our analysis showed how the brothel functions as a cultural entity, social archetype, power center, mythical place and symbolic space, where man plays out his utmost dominant self. To achieve this, the analysis focused on sifting through the concepts of machismo, economic and political power, and the configuration of the ‘house’ as emblematic elements of Latin American culture. ^ The four novels chosen to underwrite this analysis were representative of the historical time frame, from Colonial times to the present, highlighting all the most distinctive features. These, in turn, led the reader to the inescapable fact that owing to certain characteristics of Latin American culture, the brothel maintains its raison d'être as a space that represents existential situations, and that far from converting itself into an anachronism, it will continue to thrive in the most significant achievements of Latin American prose. ^

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The purpose of this dissertation was to study the narrative discourse of three Cuban novelists who produced their works from 1902 to 1933, using a typology that reveals a picaresque view of Cuban society. Focusing on La conjura and La manigua sentimental by Jesús Castellanos (1879–1912), Las honradas and Las impuras by Miguel de Carrión (1875–1929), and Generales y doctores and Juan Criollo by Carlos Loveira (1882–1928), this dissertation identified and defined picaresque traits and elements in the characterization, contrasting main and secondary, male and female characters, at all social levels. ^ The study considered the theories of the Spanish picaresque novel proposed by Antonio Maravall, Américo Castro, Claudio Guillén, Marcel Bataillon, and other critics, in order to delineate a model of traditional picaresque behavior, which was then applied to the analysis of each character. Sociopolitical and cultural conditions, as well as the psychology of the Cuban collective as presented by the authors, were also analyzed to pinpoint similarities and differences between the traditional Golden Age rogue and the characters created by the authors. ^ Critics who have studied the influence of the Spanish picaresque genre on the Latin American novel make no reference to any of the authors or novels included in this study. Key analyses, however, identified the presence of characters that use picaresque modes of behavior as a means to manipulate the structures of power in order to survive and as a futile attempt to achieve their ends within a socioeconomic context that is undergoing a significant transition. Castellanos' characters use their picaresque behavior mainly to attain a higher social status. Carrion concentrates on picaresque behavior in women as a means to manipulate the dominant male society, while Loveira's picaresque characters are mainly interested in securing a position of political power. ^

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This work chronicles how queer individuals politicized their same-sex desires from the post-World War II era to the mid-1990s. Using Miami as a site of exploration, this work demonstrates the shift from understanding homosexuality as a same-sex "desire" to a distinct form of "civil rights." It argues that by no means was it inevitable that queer issues entered the American political mainstream. This project pays particular attention to Miami's Cuban exile community, as it managed to garner great socio-political power in the city. Like others in the city's power structure, Miami's Cuban exiles were also fundamentally traditionalists. Together, these phenomena crystallized into a matrix of obstacles that stunted the growth of the gay rights movement. This work demonstrates the historical dynamics of sexuality and politics by contextualizing immigration, ethnicity, race, consumerism, and Cold War domestic and foreign policy.