890 resultados para War, Declaration of.
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Appendices: A. The sixth convention of the Second peace conference held at The Hague in 1907.--B. The Naval prize act, 1864. The Prize court act, 1894. The Prize court (procedure) act, 1914.--C. Sections from the Customs act.--D. The Declaration of London, General report on the Declaration of London, presented to the naval conference.--E. The War measures act, 1914. The Finance act, 1914. The Dominion notes act, 1914.--F. Patents of invention in enemy countries.--G. French moratorium. French contraband.
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Access to basic health services was affirmed as a fundamental human right in the Declaration of Alma-Ata in 1978. The model formally adopted for providing healthcare services was primary health care (PHC), which involved universal, community-based preventive and curative services, with substantial community involvement. PHC,did not achieve its goals for several reasons, including the refusal of experts and politicians in developed countries to accept the principle that communities should plan and implement their own heathcare services. Changes in economic philosophy led to the replacement of PHC by Health Sector Reform, based on market forces and the economic benefits of better health. It is time to abandon economic ideology and determine the methods that will provide access to basic healthcare services for all people.
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La tesis principal de Butler en Frames of War es que los marcos interpretativos por medio de los cuales nos es posible entender la violencia son parte material y esencial del propio acto de librar una guerra. Del mismo modo que un contenido y su envoltorio a veces no pueden separarse, lo que entendemos como"contenido" (el hecho bélico) está necesariamente enmarcado y no es posible aproximarse a él ajeno a los marcos que lo vehiculan. El marco es una estrategia activa de contención que no sólo contiene lo que es sino también su justificación y su interpretación, y en un contexto de guerra el marco dictamina, además de la justificación, la distinción entre las vidas que merecen ser preservadas y lloradas, y las que no.
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Memories of historical injustices affect contemporary politics from local to global level. In East Asia, questions of commemoration and historical responsibility have turned into international and domestic controversies. The main focus has been and still is in apologies conducted by Japanese prime ministers in regards to the war, aggression and colonialism during the era of Imperial Japan. Although it is granted that state apologies are not a crucial part of reconciliation, they can be analysed as a linked but separate process within the context of memory and international relations. The purpose of this study is to examine the discourses of history in Japanese prime ministers’ commemoration speeches on Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead from 1995 to 2015 in order to analyse how the Japanese government is reflecting on its past. In particular, attention is paid on what is being commemorated and how, whether it is the war and its victims or Japan’s post-war era of peace. As an apology is a reciprocal activity, responses from Japan’s most vocal former victims, South Korea and China, were also examined. Discourse analysis was used to identify and examine the different representations of the past. In addition, the apology statements of Japanese prime ministers were analysed in the Many to Many apology framework developed by Tavuchis (1991). Primary material consisted of 21 prime ministers’ speeches from the annual Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead on August 15th and from three apology statements made in 1995, 2005 and 2015. Further international context was primarily collected from newspaper articles of The New York Times and The Times throughout the examined period. It can be concluded from the findings that in the official Japanese remembrance of the past war from 1985’s annexation of Taiwan to the atomic bombings in 1945, both discourses that reinforce apology and remorse over Japan’s past aggressions and discourses that consciously avoid doing so are used. The commemoration speeches and apology statements consistently assert that Japan has acknowledged its past and expresses regret over the acts of aggression. At the same time, the speeches and statements strengthen the narrative that Japan was a victim of circumstances as well as turn the focus on post-war peace-making or on Japan’s own victimhood.
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History of the Late War between Great Britain and the United States of America by David Thompson, late of the Royal Scots, Niagara U.C. , 1832. There is an inscription in the front of the book which says “[illegible] Nelles, Grimsby and it is signed by Joseph Williams [?]” The book is stained from dampness, but this does not affect the text, 1832.
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Around the time of Clausewitz’s writing, a new element was introduced into partisan warfare: ideology. Previously, under the ancien régime, partisans were what today we would call special forces, light infantry or cavalry, almost always mercenaries, carrying out special operations, while the main action in war took place between regular armies. Clausewitz lectured his students on such ‘small wars’. In the American War of Independence and the resistance against Napoleon and his allies, operations carried out by such partisans merged with counter-revolutionary, nationalist insurgencies, but these Clausewitz analysed in a distinct category, ‘people's war’. Small wars, people's war, etc. should thus not be thought of as monopoly of either the political Right or the Left.
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Most discussions of Immanuel Kant's political theory of international politics focus on his work on Eternal Peace and its normative and empirical relevance for contemporary international relations and international law. Yet for all his concern with peace, Kant's work is characterised by a fascinating preoccupation with the concept of war and its role in human history. The purpose of this essay is to investigate critically Kant's different conceptualisations of war and to evaluate his writing as a critique against contemporary versions of Liberal war and peace, as well as recent attempts to reduce war to an immanent logic of biopolitics.
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Given the danger of the unbearable catastrophe of nuclear war, NATO in the mid-1950s abandoned any war aim of achieving victory in an all-out war with the Soviet Union or the Warsaw Treaty Organisation. Instead, it adopted the war aim of a cease-fire or war termination. By contrast, the WTO clung on to the war aim of victory - expressed even in terms of the survival of slightly more Soviet citizens than NATO citizens, after unprecedented losses of life in nuclear exchanges - until the mid-1980s when under Gorbachev the concept of victory in nuclear war was abandoned.
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America's part in the Pacific War -- Problems of peace beyond the Pacific.
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The soul of civilization; The hope of the world; The future of internationalism.
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--The name of God and the war.--The war and America.--The "scrap of paper."--International brigandage.--Sowing thistles and gathering thorns.--The laws of war.--The law of necessity.--Visions of hatred.--Lying lips and murderous hands.--Molten lead.--Vergebliches ständchen.--The responsibility for the war.--The invasion of Canada.--Songs of war.--Why a Spanish-American should not be pro-German.--The "place in the sun."--Germanism in America.--The settlement of peace.--How to enforce the laws of war.
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1. Documents relating to the negotiations which preceded Germany's declaration of war on Russia (August 1, 1914) and on France (August 3, 1914) Declaration of September 4, 1914.
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Includes index.
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pt. 1. Policy and economics of war.--pt. 2. On war debts.--pt. 3. On the great war of 1914-15.