367 resultados para Uˆnnepi kötet Honti László tiszteletére
Resumo:
Napjaink vilggazdasgi egyenltlensgeinek megrtsben nem rdektelen az egyes kultrrgik sajtossgainak ismerete. A globalizci velejrja, hogy a klnbz civilizcik rintkeznek (tkznek) egymssal, amelyben nem egyforma esllyel profitlnak, ltalban az ersebb mg elnysebb helyzetbe kerl. Alapvet krdsknt merl fel, hogy mi tesz egy kultrrgit a msikhoz kpest ersebb. Ennek nyilvnvalan lehetnek a termszeti erforrsok kultrrginknt eltr eloszlsn alapul anyagi okai, de vannak kultrspecifikus tnyezk is. A Fld trsadalmai kulturlis ismrveik alapjn kilenc karakteres kultrrgiba rendezdnek, amelyek eltr mdon reagltak a vilggazdasg kihvsaira a trtnelem sorn. Ennek lenyomata mai vilggazdasgban betlttt helyzetk. A tmakr a mozaikos vilgunk fbb kultrrgii kztti s azokon belli klnbsgek s hasonlsgok irnt rdekldk szmra ajnlott.
Resumo:
Az utbbi vtizedekben a kzgazdszkpzsben httrbe szorult a trbeli szemllet jelentsge, pedig az informcis trsadalomban a gazdasgi folyamatok mr nem csak a fizikai trben, hanem a virtulis trben is tetten rhetk, rgirl rgira vltoz letsznvonalat generlva. A tr digitlis kiterjedse klcsnhatsba kerl hagyomnyos fizikai krnyezetnkkel, ami mg inkbb amellett szl, hogy a kzgazdsz trszemllet fontossgt e tanulmnykötettel kiemeljk. Tesszk ezt gy, hogy a Corvinus Egyetem alapszakjainak hallgatit szakonknt szltjuk meg egy-egy, szmukra klnsen relevns gazdasgfldrajzi tmval. Ezltal a tbbi magyarorszgi kzgazdszkpz intzmny szakjain tanul hallgatk rdekldst is felkelthetjk az j megkzelts gazdasgi trszemllet irnt. Tartalomjegyzk: I. A npessg mint gazdasgfldrajzi tnyez (Korompai Attila) - II. Vrosfldrajz (Jeney László) - III. Vidkfldrajz (Csatri Blint) - IV. Teleplsmarketing (Tzsa Istvn) V. Telepls- s terleti tervezs (Forman Balzs Szal Pter) VI. Fldrajzi informcis rendszerek s a Digitlis Fld (Ferencz Viktria) VII. Turizmusfldrajz (Kulcsr Dezs) VIII. A vilggazdasg j fldrajza (Bernek gnes) IX. A virtulis tr gazdasga (Mszros Rezs Jakobi kos) X. A kzlekeds fldrajza (Jszbernyi Melinda) XI. Kereskedelmi fldrajz (Sikos T. Tams) XII. A pnz fldrajza (Forman Balzs) XIII. Kzigazgatsi fldrajz (Pln Kovcs Ilona) XIV. Politikai fldrajz (Kulcsr Dezs) XV. Kultrrgik gazdasgfldrajza (Jeney László)
Resumo:
The town of Sopron (denburg) is situated near the western border of Hungary at the junction of major routes of commerce, no further than 70 km from Vienna. As early as in 1291 the town had become a chartered town or free royal town, which meant the most fully-fledged municipial autonomy in this period. The town was subordinated only to the king and could represent itself in parliament from 1445. The surrounding seigniorial towns and villages often lodged an appeal with the Town Court due to its wide legal autonomy. The inhabitants of seigniorial towns and the villagers could have been under the necessity of going to the town, and the legal proceedings they experienced in Sopron may have meant a model pattern for them. The seigniorial town (oppidum) is a settlement under the landlord's authority, with limited legal privileges, concentrated mostly on agricultural production and on the exchange of products of its immediate hinterland. Sopron as a county town was gradually becoming significant during the early modern period. The county (megye) was not only the unit of administration in Hungary, but that of the autonomy of nobility, too. The importance of Sopron as a county town attracted many noblemen dwelling in Sopron county to the town. The county was one of the most densely populated in the 15-18th c., at the beginning of the 18th c., for example, the density was 32 person/km2 and it rose more than 40 p/km2 by the end of the century. The population of Sopron was approximately 3500-3700 in the middle of the 15th c., and due to the decline during the later decades some 3000 persons lived in the town in the early 16th c. According to the first national census the population of Sopron was 12600 in 1784-87. These data place Sopron at the high level of Hungarian urban hierarchy in this period. This paper will explore two significant aspects of the relation between the town and its countryside: the problems of mutual economic dependence and the role of Sopron as a centre of culture.
Resumo:
A jelen tanulmnyban bemutatjuk - a hazai felsoktatsi folyamatok htterbl kiindulva - a nemzetkzi tanulmnyok, mint kpzsi tartalom fejldst az elmlt hsz v magyar felsoktatsban. Ktsgtelen, hogy a magyar nemzetgazdasg erteljes nyitottsga kiemelked fontossgot biztostott ennek a szaknak a rendszervltozs utn, ami a folyamatos s erteljes hallgati rdekldsben is kifejezsre jutott. Ugyanakkor a kpzsi tartalom az id mlsval mind nehezebben tudott alkalmazkodni az egyre bonyolultabb trsadalmi elvrsokhoz, holott a nemzetkzi tanulmnyok, mint tudomnyos diszciplna akadmiai helyt senki sem krdjelezte meg. Az elmlt vekben a diploms munkanlklisg nvekedse jult ervel vetette fel a tantrgyi szerkezet korszerstsnek a krdst, de ez csakis a felhalmozott szakmai rtkek megrzsvel mehet vgbe.
Resumo:
A trtnszek sokig gy vltk, hogy a nyugat-rmai birodalom buksval (Kr.u. 476) vget rt az kor, s elkezddtt a kzpkor. Rmban Odoaker, germn testrparancsnok megdnttte Romulus Augustulus csszr uralmt, ami a kelet-rmai birodalom rtelmezse szerint a nyugati csszrsg megsznsvel jrt. A modern trtnettudomny szerint azonban ez a vltozs korntsem jrt olyan mlyrehat kvetkezmnyekkel, ahogy rgebben feltteleztk. A nyugat-rmai birodalom buksa nem alaktotta t gykeresen a Mediterrneum gazdasgi s kulturlis viszonyait. A fldkzi-tengeri gazdasg egysge s az antik kultra folyamatossga egszen a Kr.u. 6. szzad vgig fennmaradt. A trtnettudomny szmra egyrtelmnek ltszik, hogy Kr.u. 476-ban nem beszlhetnk a klasszikus kor vgrl. Msfell az is ktsgtelen, hogy Augustus s Romulus Augustulus vilga kztt alapvet klnbsgek figyelhetk meg. Az els s az utols csszr uralkodsa kztt eltelt ngy vszzad alatt nagymrtkben mdosult a rmai birodalom politikai berendezkedse s talakult az egsz antik kultra jellege. A klasszikus vilg a Kr.u. 2. szzad vgig llt fenn vltozatlan formban. A Kr.u. 3. szzad politikai s katonai vlsga mlyrehat vltozsokat idzett el. Ezrt a Kr.u. 3. szzadtl a Kr.u. 6. szzad vgig terjed idszakot nll trtnelmi (al)korszaknak tekinthetjk, amely a ksei antikvits elnevezst viseli. Erre vonatkozan hasznltk a kt vilghbor kztti magyar trtnetrsban ma mr kevss ismert antik kzpkor kifejezst. Az elmlt fl vszzadban a trtnettudomny az antik kzpkor kronolgiai hatraihoz is egyre tvolsgtartbban viszonyult. A klasszikus antikvits vilgosan megvonhat idbeli hatraihoz kpest mindinkbb azt hangslyoztk, hogy az korbl a kzpkorba val tmenet a rmai birodalom s a Karoling-csszrsg megszletse (Kr.u. 8. szzad) kztt eltelt mintegy t vszzad alatt fokozatosan ment vgbe. gy a Kr.u. 6-7. szzad fordulja sem tekinthet a ksei antik s a kora kzpkor kztti egyrtelm korszakhatrnak. A ksei antikvits lass letnse egszen a frank csszrsg megszletsig eltartott.
Resumo:
In my lecture I would like to give a general introduction to a comparative approach of Polish and Hungarian history. I am convinced it could be not only an interesting, but a relevant issue as well. This approach could be touching emotionally for average Hungarian and Polish people because both nations strongly felt last centuries that they had common historical fate in East Central Europe. There is evidence which prove that Polish-Hungarian friendship is not only a modern phenomenon, but it is originated from the historical past. Historical memory calls the attention that Polish-Hungarian friendship was rooted already in the early modern history, and it was not constructed by historians, but a special relationship between the two nations was a widespread and accepted concept for the wider public in Hungary. I can cite the well-known proverb which represents it: Pole and Hungarian two good friends, joint fight and drinking are their ends. In this lecture I dont want to give a complete list of differences and similarities, but to call the attention to some interesting aspects of two nations common historical fate.
Resumo:
Jen Szcs wrote his essay entitled Sketch on the three regions of Europe in the early 1980s in Hungary. During these years, a historically well-argued opinion emphasising a substantial difference between Central European and Eastern European societies was warmly received in various circles of the political opposition. In a wider European perspective Szcs used the old liberty topos which claims that the history of Europe is no other than the fulfillment of liberty. In his Sketch, Szcs does not only concentrate on questions concerning the Middle Ages in Western Europe. Yet it is this stream of thought which brought a new perspective to explaining European history. His picture of the Middle Ages represents well that there is a way to integrate all typical Western motifs of post-war self-definition into a single theory. Mainly, the liberty motif, as a sign of Europeanism in the interpretation of Bibs concept, Anglo-saxon Marxists and Webers social theory , developed from medieval concepts of state and society and from an analysis of economic and social structures. Szcss historical aspect was a typical intellectual product of the 1980s: this was the time when a few Central European historians started to outline non-Marxist aspects of social theory and categories of modernisation theories, but concealing them with Marxist terminology.
Resumo:
The spill-over of the global fi nancial crisis has uncovered the weaknesses in the governance of the EMU. As one of the most open economies in Europe, Hungary has suff ered from the ups and downs of the global and European crisis and its mismanagement. Domestic policy blunders have complicated the situation. This paper examines how Hungary has withstood the ups and downs of the eurozone crisis. It also addresses the questions of whether the country has converged with or diverged from the EMU membership, whether joining the EMU is still a good idea for Hungary, and whether the measures to ward off the crisis have actually helped to face the challenge of growth.
Resumo:
A kommunizmusnak vagy amit a XX. szzadban annak neveztek a fasizmus nem elfogadhat alternatvja. Az elmlt hsz v meghatroz ideolgiai ramlata, a neoliberalizmus ezt nem rtette meg. A baloldallal szemben tlzott mrtkben lpett fel, mg ezzel szemben a jobboldali szlssgnek jelents teret engedett. A szlsjobboldali szemllet, az anakronisztikus, barbr provincializmus felszmolshoz szksg van a nyugati tpus konzervativizmus s a szocildemokrcia egyttmkdsre, a kt elmleti irnyzat partneri viszonyra. Ehhez mindenekeltt a neoliberalizmus elmleti meghaladsra van szksg. A tanulmnyban ezrt a neoliberalizmus meghatroz tteleinek kritikjt vgezzk el annak rdekben, hogy az j vilgrendhez igazod elmleti keret kialakulshoz hozzjruljunk. _____ The acceptable alternative of communism, or what it had been called in the 20th century, is not fascism. The mainstream in the ideology of the last couple of decades, neo-liberalism, has not understood this statement. It allows too wide range for the extremists in the far right; however, in the other side it was too rigid with the left. To terminate the barbarian, anachronistic provincialism in the far right, cooperation between the neo-conservativism prevailing in the West and the social democrat movement is needed. The partnership between the two streams is inevitable. In order to achieve this goal the first step is the debate with the theoretical background of the neo-liberal way of thinking. The main purpose of this paper is to start this discussion hoping that we can contribute to the new theoretical framework in the social sciences.
Resumo:
Economic behavior is multifaceted and context-dependent. However, the so-called Homo Oeconomicus model states that agents are perfectly rational, self-interest-maximizing beings. This model can be criticized on both empirical and normative grounds. Understanding economic behavior requires a more complex and dynamic framework. In the "I & We" paradigm developed by Amitai Etzioni, economic behavior is co-determined by utility calculations and moral considerations. Two major factors can explain the ethicality of economic behavior; namely, the moral character of the agents and the relative cost of ethical behavior. Economic agents are moral beings, but the ethical fabric of the economy determines which face of the Moral Economic Man predominates.
Resumo:
The moral foundation of capitalism should be reconsidered. Modern capitalism is disembedded from the social and cultural norms of society and produced a deep financial, ecological and social crisis. Competitiveness is the prevailing ideology of todays business and economic policy. Companies, regions, and national economies seek to improve their productivity and gain competitive advantage. But these efforts often produce negative effects on various stakeholders at home and abroad. Competitiveness involves self-interest and aggressivity and produces monetary results at the expense of nature, society and future generations The collaborative enterprise framework promotes a view in which economic agents care about others and themselves and aim to create values for all the participants in their business ecosystems. Their criterion of success is mutually satisfying relationships with the stakeholders. New results of positive psychology and the Homo reciprocans model of behavioral sciences support this approach. The economic teachings of world religions challenge the way capitalism is functioning, and their corresponding perspectives are worthy of consideration. They represent life-serving modes of economizing which can assure the livelihood of human communities and the sustainability of natural ecosystems. Ethics and the future of capitalism are strongly connected. If we want to sustain capitalism for a long time we have to create a less violent, more caring form of it.
Resumo:
E.F. Schumacher was one of the first scholars who recognized the crucial role of metaeconomics. In his "Small is beautiful" he writes: "The science of economics is 'so prone to usurp the rest' because it relates to certain very strong drives of human nature, such as envy and greed. All the greater is the duty of its experts, the economists, to understand and clarify its limitations, that is to say, to understand meta-economics." (Schumacher, E. F. 1973: p. 38) Meta-economics is the basic assumptions about the subject-matter, value-orientation and methodology of economics. (Zsolnai, L. 1991) The paper attempts to reconstruct the metaeconomic foundation of mainstream economics and that of alternative economics initiated by Schumacher. It shows how the emerging alternative economics transcends the erroneous metaeconomic assumptions of mainstream economics by considering the total economic process, choosing sustainable livelihood as basic value-orientation, and employing a constructive methodology.
