915 resultados para Trade Policy


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In its periodic declarations of domestic support to the WTO, the EU has progressively reduced its amber-box declarations in line with its changing system of farm support. Surprisingly, however, in 2007/08 it managed to more than halve its amber box compared with that of the previous year, easily achieving the reduction targets being touted in the Doha Round. This was largely due to a change in the calculations for fresh fruits and vegetables. These had been linked to the entry price system, which was not affected by the 2008 fruit and vegetables reform. Why the EU chose to make this change during the ongoing Doha Round negotiations remains unclear.

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The “cotton issue” has been a topic of several academic discussions for trade policy analysts. However the design of trade and agricultural policy in the EU and the USA has become a politically sensitive matter throughout the last five years. This study utilizing the Agricultural Trade Policy Simulation Model (ATPSM) aims to gain insights into the global cotton market, to explain why domestic support for cotton has become an issue, to quantify the impact of the new EU agricultural policy on the cotton sector, and to measure the effect of eliminating support policies on production and trade. Results indicate that full trade liberalization would lead the four West African countries to better terms of trade with the EU. If tariff reduction follows the so-called Swiss formula, world prices would increase by 3.5%.

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The rise in international markets of new, productive Japanese car manufacturers provoked intense world competition, which created serious doubts about the economic sustainability of an industry mostly dominated until the 1970s by European and North-American multinational companies. Ultimately, this crisis provoked a deep transformation of the industry, with consequences that had a permanent impact on European companies in the sector. American and later European manufacturers were successful in lobbying governments to provide protection. Using a rich source of data from the UK, I show that the ‘new trade policy’, voluntary export restraint (VER), placed on Japanese exports of new cars from 1977 to December 1999, was binding. This case study illustrates the strategies used by Japanese manufacturers to gain access to the European market through the UK market via strategic alliances and later through transplant production, against which continental European nation states were unable to fully insulate themselves. It is also shown that the policy had a profound effect on the nature of Japanese products, as Japanese firms responded to the quantity restraints by radically altering the product characteristics of their automobiles and shifting towards larger autos and new goods, to maximise their profits subject to the binding constraint.

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The proposal of this study is to present an assessment of the performance of the Brazilian Government Chamber of Foreign Trade (Camex), which is a board of the Council of Government responsible for the formulation, implementation and coordination of the Brazilian trade policy. The study begins with a historical approach to the international trade and the Brazilian foreign trade, mentioning its origins, features and interfaces with the economic development of the country. Based on the approach aforementioned, several interviews were made with authorities, who have remarkable knowledge about the subject, in order to obtain their views, experiences and suggestions concerning the performance of Camex since its creation in 1995. The list of interviewees includes authorities that are currently responsibles for the conduct of the policy on foreign trade, representatives of the organized society, and authorities who were in important positions in this segment of the federal public administration, regarding both the Minister of State, as Director of Cacex and the Executive Secretary of Camex. The conclusions of the study indicate that the Camex has not been succeeding in fully exercise its mandate of formulate, implement and coordinate the foreign trade policy of Brazil. A combination of factors contributes to this situation, especially its small strutcure, the fact that some ministries compete in the segment of foreign trade ¿don't understand¿ Chamber¿s real purpose, and, at last, the absence of a political mandate"(words taken from Motta Veiga) that would fortify its existing legal mandate. Finally, the study suggests some changes in the current organizational modeling of Camex, especially in its hierarchical position in the federal public administration."

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In a nonnative approach, I analyze trade policies when the industrial sector genentes positive extemalities in production, and there are adjustments costs to changing production from one sector to the other. Protectionist trade policy can make workers intemalize the benetits from moving into the industrial sector, but it is a second best policy as it also causes consumption distortions. I show that if the govemment is able to fully commit to its tariff schedule for the future, the welfare maximizing policy is to maintain a positive tariff forever, even after all adjustment has already taken place . However, if the govemment is not able to commit at all, the only time consistent policy is zero tariff at any point in time. The time inconsistency of the full commitment policy is derived from the fact that in the model only production needs interference, and the production distortion is lagged one period with respect to the tariff wbile the consumption distortion is simultaneous to the tariff. In the intermediary case, i.e., when the government can commit for a limited period of time, the time consistent optimal tariff will be positive but lower than the "full commitment" tariff. This result indicates that some institutions that have always been considered pure sources of inefficiency, such as protectionist lobbying, may in fact be welfare improving in some cases!

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This article presents a comprehensive and detailed overview of the international trade performance of the manufacturing industry in Brazil over the last decades, emphasizing its participation in Global Value Chains. It uses information from recent available global inputoutput tables such as WIOD (World Input-output database) and TIVA (Trade in Value Added, OECD) as well as complementary information from the GTAP 8 (Global Trade Analysis Project) database. The calculation of a broad set of value added type indicators allows a precise contextualization of the ongoing structural changes in the Brazilian industry, highlighting the relative isolation of its manufacturing sector from the most relevant international supply chains. This article also proposes a public policy discussion, presenting two case studies: the first one related to trade facilitation and the second one to preferential trade agreements. The main conclusions are twofold: first, the reduction of time delays at customs in Brazil may significantly improve the trade performance of its manufacturing industry, specially for the more capital intensive sectors which are generally the ones with greater potential to connection to global value chains; second, the extension of the concept of a “preferential trade partner” to the context of the global unbundling of production may pave the way to future trade policy in Brazil, particularly in the mapping of those partners whose bilateral trade relations with Brazil should receive greater priority by policy makers.

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This article presents a comprehensive and detailed overview of the international trade performance of the manufacturing industry in Brazil over the last decades, emphasizing its participation in Global Value Chains. It uses information from recent available global inputoutput tables such as WIOD (World Input-output database) and TIVA (Trade in Value Added, OECD) as well as complementary information from the GTAP 8 (Global Trade Analysis Project) database. The calculation of a broad set of value added type indicators allows a precise contextualization of the ongoing structural changes in the Brazilian industry, highlighting the relative isolation of its manufacturing sector from the most relevant international supply chains. This article also proposes a public policy discussion, presenting two case studies: the first one related to trade facilitation and the second one to preferential trade agreements. The main conclusions are twofold: first, the reduction of time delays at customs in Brazil may significantly improve the trade performance of its manufacturing industry, specially for the more capital intensive sectors which are generally the ones with greater potential to connection to global value chains; second, the extension of the concept of a “preferential trade partner” to the context of the global unbundling of production may pave the way to future trade policy in Brazil, particularly in the mapping of those partners whose bilateral trade relations with Brazil should receive greater priority by policy makers

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Many countries are also engaged in trade negotiations on FTAs. RO are a central theme on each of theses fronts. A detailed analysis of the key questions surrounding the harmonization process is compelling, given that RO talks at the WTO will affect the negotiation of FTAs. Many developing countries are waiting the results from WTO to define their own RO. Since the impasse continues, they are creating their own systems and multiplying different ROs to satisfy their needs. This article seeks to provide some clues why it was impossible, till now, to finish this multilateral negotiation. It is organized as follows: i) review of the main issues in the ARO; ii) present the main points of contention in the harmonization work; iii) analyze the implications of a harmonized system of rules of origin to the other major WTO agreements as well as to other national trade policy instruments; and to present some possible scenarios how to conclude the negotiation

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Este artigo avalia os resultados do processo de reestruturação da indústria brasileira de máquinas têxteis, originado pelas reformas econômicas liberalizantes iniciadas no final dos anos 1980 e início dos 1990 e pelas medidas macroeconômicas que deram sustentação ao Plano Real, a partir de julho de 1994. Inicialmente, fazemos uma avaliação teórica das fontes do conhecimento e das formas de capacitação tecnológica nessa indústria. A seguir, expomos brevemente as principais características da indústria de máquinas têxteis em âmbito global. Posteriormente, direcionando a discussão para o caso brasileiro, apresentamos as especificidades da indústria têxtil, usuária daqueles bens, e do próprio setor de máquinas nacional. Através dos fluxos de comércio exterior do Brasil entre 1990 e 2004 e da variação do valor médio (US$ FOB/KG) desses fluxos, o artigo examina as mudanças estruturais, tecnológicas e, por conseguinte, na competitividade, que culminaram na transformação da indústria brasileira de máquinas têxteis, em termos de dimensão (escala) e escopo, e em uma nova inserção internacional, agora mais especializada e subordinada.

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Empirical analyses attributing the 1980s' debt crisis to inconsistent stabilization policies rest on an inappropriate long-run approach. Revising this long-run approach yields opposite results: terms of trade shocks and foreign indebtedness explain this crisis, regardless of domestic stabilization policies. This prompts us to consider a new hypothesis, of delays in trade-policy reforms, with a model in which terms-of-trade variation (under shocks) is endogenous to export structure and efficiency of resource allocation. Evidence from the structural equations model shows that allocation distortions negatively affect changes in terms of trade, which then explain this crisis. A political economy extension demonstrates that income inequality and regional trade policy determine the distortions, which in turn leads to this crisis.

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L'objectif de cet article est de montrer l'existence de traces historiques permettant de lier les concepts de libre-échange et protectionnisme, tous les deux employés dans la politique de commerce extérieur des Etats-Unis. Parallèlement, on cherche à souligner l'importance de la législation et des principes formulés dans ce pays et leur rôle explicatif concernant les motivations de la structure du commerce international après 1945. Ce rôle a en effet contribué à qu'on puisse mieux comprendre les tournées de négociations du GATT (General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) jusqu'à la création de l'OMC (Organisation Mondiale du Commerce), en 1995. on traite également des raisons pour lesquelles le commerce international aux Etats-Unis est non seulement une question d'Etat mais encore une question de la société.

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Incluye Bibliografía

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography

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Includes bibliography