993 resultados para Stove Mounters International Union of North America


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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Mode of access: Internet.

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Published also as Smithsonian contributions to knowledge: v.III, art. 4; v. V, art t; v. X [art. 2]

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The drawings by Mr. Faxon have been engraved (v. 1-5 by Philibert and Eugène Picart) under the direction of A. Riocreux.

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At head of title : University of Vermont and State agricultural college.

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"Reprinted from the 'Annales mycologici' (vol. VI, no. 5, 1908.)"

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Half of the members of the nuclear receptors superfamily are so-called orphan receptors because the identity of their ligand, if any, is unknown. Because of their important biological roles, the study of orphan receptors has attracted much attention recently and has resulted in rapid advances that have helped in the discovery of novel signaling pathways. In this review we present the main features of orphan receptors, discuss the structure of their ligand-binding domains and their biological functions. The paradoxical existence of a pharmacology of orphan receptors, a rapidly growing and innovative field, is highlighted.

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Historically, calcitonin gene-related peptide (CGRP) receptors have been divided into two classes, CGRP(1) and CGRP(2).After the cloning of calcitonin receptor-like receptor (CLR) and receptor activity-modifying proteins (RAMPs), it became clear that the CGRP(1) receptor was a complex between CLR and RAMP1. It is now apparent that the CGRP(2) receptor phenotype is the result of CGRP acting at receptors for amylin and adrenomedullin. Accordingly, the term "CGRP(2)" receptor should no longer be used, and the "CGRP(1)" receptor should be known as the "CGRP" receptor.

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The calcitonin family of peptides comprises calcitonin, amylin two calcitonin gene-related peptides (CGRPs), and adrenomedullin. The first calcitonin receptor was cloned in 1991. Its pharmacology is complicated by the existence of several splice variants. The receptors for the other members the family are made up of subunits. The calcitonin-like receptor (CL receptor) requires a single transmembrane domain protein, termed receptor activity modifying protein, RAMP1, to function as a CGRP receptor. RAMP2 and -3 enable the same CL receptor to behave as an adrenomedullin receptor. Although the calcitonin receptor does not require RAMP to bind and respond to calcitonin, it can associate with the RAMPs, resulting in a series of receptors that typically have high affinity for amylin and varied affinity for CGRP. This review aims to reconcile what is observed when the receptors are reconstituted in vitro with the properties they show in native cells and tissues. Experimental conditions must be rigorously controlled because different degrees of protein expression may markedly modify pharmacology in such a complex situation. Recommendations, which follow International Union of Pharmacology guidelines, are made for the nomenclature of these multimeric receptors.

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Relief shown pictorially.

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Shows many roads, has "Tennassee" on sheet 3, as well as the 22 line boundaries note.

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The National Seaman’s Association was a labour recruiter hiding behind a union-like name. It was run by H.N. McMaster who collected fees from companies and dues from workers. With McMaster in charge, shipping interests could claim that their seamen had a union, but ship-owners were free to push their vessels and their workers to the breaking point. In 1935, the members on the Great Lakes decided to strike. One year later, they created their own union and amalgamated with a Montreal-based independent body to create the Canadian Seamen’s Union headed by a ship’s cook who became a union leader, John Allan Patrick “Pat” Sullivan. By the late 1940s, almost all sailors on Canadian ships were CSU members. Right from its inception in 1936, Communists were prominent among the leaders of the union. Sullivan had been recruited to the Communist party that year and the union had a close rapport with the party. On June 8, 1940, Pat Sullivan was arrested because of his affiliation with the Communist party. He was incarcerated until March 20, 1942. No charges were laid, no bail was set and there was no trial. After his release, Sullivan was elected second vice-president of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada. In 1943, Percy Bengough was elected as president and Sullivan was elected as secretary treasurer of the TLC while maintaining his role as president of the CSU. On March 14, 1947 Sullivan made a shocking announcement that he was resigning from the CSU and the Labor-Progressive Party. He claimed that the CSU was under the full control of the Communists. Within a month of this announcement, he emerged as the president of the Canadian Lake Seamen’s Union. Ship-owners never really reconciled themselves to having their industry unionized, and in 1946 there was a seamen’s strike in which the union won the eight-hour day. In 1949, the shipping companies had a plan to get rid of the union and were negotiating behind their back with the Seafarers International Union (SIU). In a brutal confrontation, led by Hal Banks, an American ex-convict, the SIU was able to roust the CSU and take over the bargaining rights of Canadian seamen. On July 15, 1948, Robert Lindsay, who was Sullivan’s Welland business agent said that to the best of his knowledge, Sullivan’s outfit, the CLSU, was under the control of some of the Steamship Companies. Lindsay had heard that there was a movement to get rid of Bengough of the Trades and Labour Congress as well as elements of the CSU. He also had heard that the CLSU wanted to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor. Lindsay’s allegations raised the questions: Were the ship-owners powerful enough to oust Percy Bengough because he supported the seamen? Could the CLSU get an affiliation with the American Federation of Labor? and Would the American Federation of Labor actually affiliate with a union that was siding with employers against a locked-out union?

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Two decades ago, Canada, Mexico, and the United States created a continental economy. The road to integration from the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement has not been a smooth one. Along the way, Mexico lived through a currency crisis, a democratic transition, and the rising challenge of Asian manufacturing. Canada stayed united despite surging Quebecois nationalism during the 1990s; since then, it has seen dramatic economic changes with the explosion of hydrocarbon production and a much stronger currency. The United States saw a stock-market bust, the shock of 9/11, and the near-collapse of its financial system. All of these events have transformed the relationships that emerged after NAFTA entered into force in 1994. Given the tremendous changes, one might be skeptical that the circumstances and details of the negotiation and ratification of NAFTA hold lessons for the future of North America. However, the road to NAFTA had its own difficulties, and many of the issues involved in the negotiations underpin today's challenges. NAFTA was conceived at a time of profound change in the international system. When Mexican leaders surveyed the world two decades ago, they saw emerging regional groupings in Europe, Asia, and South America. Faced with a lack of interest or compatibility, they instead doubled down on North America. How did Mexican leaders reconsider their national interests and redefine Mexico's role in the world in light of those transformations? Unpublished Mexican documents from SECOFI, the secretariate most involved in negotiating NAFTA, help illustrate Mexican thinking about its interests and role at that time. Combining those insights with analysis of newly available evidence from U.S. presidential archives, this paper sheds light on the negotiations that concluded two decades ago.