982 resultados para Soviet Union--Maps.


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We report the measurement of direct photons at midrapidity in Au + Au collisions at root s(NN) = 200 GeV. The direct photon signal was extracted for the transverse momentum range of 4 GeV/c < pT < 22 GeV/c, using a statistical method to subtract decay photons from the inclusive photon sample. The direct photon nuclear modification factor R-AA was calculated as a function of p(T) for different Au + Au collision centralities using the measured p + p direct photon spectrum and compared to theoretical predictions. R-AA was found to be consistent with unity for all centralities over the entire measured pT range. Theoretical models that account for modifications of initial direct photon production due to modified parton distribution functions in Au and the different isospin composition of the nuclei predict a modest change of R-AA from unity. They are consistent with the data. Models with compensating effects of the quark-gluon plasma on high-energy photons, such as suppression of jet-fragmentation photons and induced-photon bremsstrahlung from partons traversing the medium, are also consistent with this measurement.

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We present measurements of the J/psi invariant yields in root s(NN) = 39 and 62.4 GeV Au + Au collisions at forward rapidity (1.2 < vertical bar y vertical bar < 2.2). Invariant yields are presented as a function of both collision centrality and transverse momentum. Nuclear modifications are obtained for central relative to peripheral Au + Au collisions (R-CP) and for various centrality selections in Au + Au relative to scaled p + p cross sections obtained from other measurements (R-AA). The observed suppression patterns at 39 and 62.4 GeV are quite similar to those previously measured at 200 GeV. This similar suppression presents a challenge to theoretical models that contain various competing mechanisms with different energy dependencies, some of which cause suppression and others enhancement. DOI: 10.1103/PhysRevC.86.064901

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We report on charmonium measurements [J/psi (1S), psi' (2S), and chi(c) (1P)] in p + p collisions at root s = 200 GeV. We find that the fraction of J/psi coming from the feed-down decay of psi' and chi(c) in the midrapidity region (vertical bar y vertical bar < 0: 35) is 9.6 +/- 2.4% and 32 +/- 9%, respectively. We also present the p(T) and rapidity dependencies of the J/psi yield measured via dielectron decay at midrapidity (vertical bar y vertical bar < 0.35) and via dimuon decay at forward rapidity (1.2 < vertical bar y vertical bar < 2.2). The statistical precision greatly exceeds that reported in our previous publication [Phys. Rev. Lett. 98, 232002 (2007)]. The new results are compared with other experiments and discussed in the context of current charmonium production models.

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The second Fourier component v(2) of the azimuthal anisotropy with respect to the reaction plane is measured for direct photons at midrapidity and transverse momentum (p(T)) of 1-12 GeV/c in Au + Au collisions at root s(NN) = 200 GeV. Previous measurements of this quantity for hadrons with p(T) < 6 GeV/c indicate that the medium behaves like a nearly perfect fluid, while for p(T) > 6 GeV/c a reduced anisotropy is interpreted in terms of a path-length dependence for parton energy loss. In this measurement with the PHENIX detector at the Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider we find that for p(T) > 4 GeV/c the anisotropy for direct photons is consistent with zero, which is as expected if the dominant source of direct photons is initial hard scattering. However, in the p(T) < 4 GeV/c region dominated by thermal photons, we find a substantial direct-photon v(2) comparable to that of hadrons, whereas model calculations for thermal photons in this kinematic region underpredict the observed v(2).

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The differential cross section for the production of direct photons in p + p collisions at root s = 200 GeV at midrapidity was measured in the PHENIX detector at the Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider. Inclusive direct photons were measured in the transverse momentum range from 5: 5-25 GeV/c, extending the range beyond previous measurements. Event structure was studied with an isolation criterion. Next-to-leading-order perturbative-quantum-chromodynamics calculations give a good description of the spectrum. When the cross section is expressed versus x(T), the PHENIX data are seen to be in agreement with measurements from other experiments at different center-of-mass energies.

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During the period of 2001 and 2008, the Brazilian Gymnastics Confederation implemented the gymnasts training boarding center system at the Curitiba Training Center (TC). Using the former Soviet Union model of sports boarding schools, the Brazilian gymnasts started to train together under the supervision of a technical team led by a renowned foreign coach. This article aims to discuss the context of the TC and the system of centralized preparation of the Brazilian women artistic gymnastics (WAG) showing the point of view of the coaches. We conducted a field survey and we interviewed 34 coaches of 29 sport institutions. Among the positive aspects, the coaches reported about the better infrastructure available to the gymnasts. The negative aspects refer to the problems regarding rigorous training, the polarization and the consequent monopolization of athletes showing lack of adaptation of the Soviet model to the WAG characteristics developed in Brazil.

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The PHENIX experiment has measured electrons and positrons at midrapidity from the decays of hadrons containing charm and bottom quarks produced in d + Au and p + p collisions at root S-NN = 200 GeV in the transverse-momentum range 0.85 <= p(T)(e) <= 8.5 GeV/c. In central d + Au collisions, the nuclear modification factor R-dA at 1.5 < p(T) < 5 GeV/c displays evidence of enhancement of these electrons, relative to those produced in p + p collisions, and shows that the mass-dependent Cronin enhancement observed at the Relativistic Heavy Ion Collider extends to the heavy D meson family. A comparison with the neutral-pion data suggests that the difference in cold-nuclear-matter effects on light- and heavy-flavor mesons could contribute to the observed differences between the pi(0) and heavy-flavor-electron nuclear modification factors R-AA. DOI: 10.1103/PhysRevLett.109.242301

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Unpolarized cross sections and double-helicity asymmetries of single-inclusive positive and negative charged hadrons at midrapidity from p + p collisions at root s = 62.4 GeV are presented. The PHENIX measurement of the cross sections for 1.0 < p(T) < 4.5 GeV/c are consistent with perturbative QCD calculations at next-to-leading order in the strong-coupling constant, alpha(s). Resummed pQCD calculations including terms with next-to-leading-log accuracy, yielding reduced theoretical uncertainties, also agree with the data. The double-helicity asymmetry, sensitive at leading order to the gluon polarization in a momentum-fraction range of 0.05 less than or similar to x(gluon) less than or similar to 0.2, is consistent with recent global parametrizations disfavoring large gluon polarization.

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Measurements of the anisotropy parameter v(2) of identified hadrons (pions, kaons, and protons) as a function of centrality, transverse momentum p(T), and transverse kinetic energy KET at midrapidity (vertical bar eta vertical bar < 0.35) in Au + Au collisions at root s(N N) = 200 GeV are presented. Pions and protons are identified up to p(T) = 6 GeV/c, and kaons up to p(T) = 4 GeV/c, by combining information from time-of-flight and aerogel Cerenkov detectors in the PHENIX Experiment. The scaling of v(2) with the number of valence quarks (n(q)) has been studied in different centrality bins as a function of transverse momentum and transverse kinetic energy. A deviation from previously observed quark-number scaling is observed at large values of KET/n(q) in noncentral Au + Au collisions (20-60%), but this scaling remains valid in central collisions (0-10%).

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This dissertation takes a step towards providing a better understanding of post-socialist welfare state development from a theoretical as well as an empirical perspective. The overall analytical goal of this thesis has been to critically assess the development of social policies in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania using them as illustrative examples of post-socialist welfare state development in the light of the theories, approaches and typologies that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The four studies included in this dissertation aspire to a common aim in a number of specific ways. The first study tries to place the ideal-typical welfare state models of the Baltic States within the well-known welfare state typologies. At the same time, it provides a rich overview of the main social security institutions in the three countries by comparing them with each other and with the previous structures of the Soviet period. It examines the social insurance institutions of the Baltic States (old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, short-term benefits, sickness, maternity and parental insurance and family benefits) with respect to conditions of eligibility, replacement rates, financing and contributions. The findings of this study indicate that the Latvian social security system can generally be labelled as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models. The Estonian social security system can generally also be characterised as a mix of the basic security and corporatist models, even if there are some weak elements of the targeted model in it. It appears that the institutional changes developing in the social security system of Lithuania have led to a combination of the basic security and targeted models of the welfare state. Nevertheless, as the example of the three Baltic States shows, there is diversity in how these countries solve problems within the field of social policy. In studying the social security schemes in detail, some common features were found that could be attributed to all three countries. Therefore, the critical analysis of the main social security institutions of the Baltic States in this study gave strong supporting evidence in favour of identifying the post-socialist regime type that is already gaining acceptance within comparative welfare state research. Study Two compares the system of social maintenance and insurance in the Soviet Union, which was in force in the three Baltic countries before their independence, with the currently existing social security systems. The aim of the essay is to highlight the forces that have influenced the transformation of the social policy from its former highly universal, albeit authoritarian, form, to the less universal, social insurance-based systems of present-day Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. This study demonstrates that the welfare–economy nexus is not the only important factor in the development of social programs. The results of this analysis revealed that people's attitudes towards distributive justice and the developmental level of civil society also play an important part in shaping social policies. The shift to individualism in people’s mentality and the decline of the labour movement, or, to be more precise, the decline in trade union membership and influence, does nothing to promote the development of social rights in the Baltic countries and hinders the expansion of social policies. The legacy of the past has been another important factor in shaping social programs. It can be concluded that social policy should be studied as if embedded not only in the welfare-economy nexus, but also in the societal, historical and cultural nexus of a given society. Study Three discusses the views of the state elites on family policy within a wider theoretical setting covering family policy and social policy in a broader sense and attempts to expand this analytical framework to include other post-socialist countries. The aim of this essay is to explore the various views of the state elites in the Baltics concerning family policy and, in particular, family benefits as one of the possible explanations for the observed policy differences. The qualitative analyses indicate that the Baltic States differ significantly with regard to the motives behind their family policies. Lithuanian decision-makers seek to reduce poverty among families with children and enhance the parents’ responsibility for bringing up their children. Latvian policy-makers act so as to increase the birth rate and create equal opportunities for children from all families. Estonian policy-makers seek to create equal opportunities for all children and the desire to enhance gender equality is more visible in the case of Estonia in comparison with the other two countries. It is strongly arguable that there is a link between the underlying motives and the kinds of family benefits in a given country. This study, thus, indicates how intimately the attitudes of the state bureaucrats, policy-makers, political elite and researchers shape social policy. It confirms that family policy is a product of the prevailing ideology within a country, while the potential influence of globalisation and Europeanisation is detectable too. The final essay takes into account the opinions of welfare users and examines the performances of the institutionalised family benefits by relying on the recipients’ opinions regarding these benefits. The opinions of the populations as a whole regarding government efforts to help families are compared with those of the welfare users. Various family benefits are evaluated according to the recipients' satisfaction with those benefits as well as the contemporaneous levels of subjective satisfaction with the welfare programs related to the absolute level of expenditure on each program. The findings of this paper indicate that, in Latvia, people experience a lower level of success regarding state-run family insurance institutions, as compared to those in Lithuania and Estonia. This is deemed to be because the cash benefits for families and children in Latvia are, on average, seen as marginally influencing the overall financial situation of the families concerned. In Lithuania and Estonia, the overwhelming majority think that the family benefit systems improve the financial situation of families. It appears that recipients evaluated universal family benefits as less positive than targeted benefits. Some universal benefits negatively influenced the level of general satisfaction with the family benefits system provided in the countries being researched. This study puts forward a discussion about whether universalism is always more legitimate than targeting. In transitional economies, in which resources are highly constrained, some forms of universal benefits could turn out to be very expensive in relative terms, without being seen as useful or legitimate forms of help to families. In sum, by closely examining the different aspects of social policy, this dissertation goes beyond the over-generalisation of Eastern European welfare state development and, instead, takes a more detailed look at what is really going on in these countries through the examples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia. In addition, another important contribution made by this study is that it revives ‘western’ theoretical knowledge through ‘eastern’ empirical evidence and provides the opportunity to expand the theoretical framework for post-socialist societies.

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The aim of this proposal is to explain the paradigm of the American foreign policy during the Johnson Administration, especially toward Europe, within the NATO framework, and toward URSS, in the context of the détente, just emerged during the decade of the sixties. During that period, after the passing of the J. F. Kennedy, President L. B. Johnson inherited a complex and very high-powered world politics, which wanted to get a new phase off the ground in the transatlantic relations and share the burden of the Cold war with a refractory Europe. Known as the grand design, it was a policy that needed the support of the allies and a clear purpose which appealed to the Europeans. At first, President Johnson detected in the problem of the nuclear sharing the good deal to make with the NATO allies. At the same time, he understood that the United States needed to reassert their leadeship within the new stage of relations with the Soviet Union. Soon, the “transatlantic bargain” became something not so easy to dealt with. The Federal Germany wanted to say a word in the nuclear affairs and, why not, put the finger on the trigger of the atlantic nuclear weapons. URSS, on the other hand, wanted to keep Germany down. The other allies did not want to share the onus of the defense of Europe, at most the responsability for the use of the weapons and, at least, to participate in the decision-making process. France, which wanted to detach herself from the policy of the United States and regained a world role, added difficulties to the manage of this course of action. Through the years of the Johnson’s office, the divergences of the policies placed by his advisers to gain the goal put the American foreign policy in deep water. The withdrawal of France from the organization but not from the Alliance, give Washington a chance to carry out his goal. The development of a clear-cut disarm policy leaded the Johnson’s administration to the core of the matter. The Non-proliferation Treaty signed in 1968, solved in a business-like fashion the problem with the allies. The question of nuclear sharing faded away with the acceptance of more deep consultative role in the nuclear affairs by the allies, the burden for the defense of Europe became more bearable through the offset agreement with the FRG and a new doctrine, the flexible response, put an end, at least formally, to the taboo of the nuclear age. The Johnson’s grand design proved to be different from the Kennedy’s one, but all things considered, it was more workable. The unpredictable result was a real détente with the Soviet Union, which, we can say, was a merit of President Johnson.

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In Unione Sovietica il partito mette in atto un sistema di istituzioni per controllare il mondo culturale e la produzione scritta: il Glavlit, il massimo istituto censorio, l’Unione degli scrittori, un’editoria centralizzata e statalizzata e un unico metodo creativo possibile, il realismo socialista. Il settore della traduzione letteraria e della ricezione della letteratura straniera vengono ugualmente posti sotto controllo. All’interno dell’Unione degli scrittori operano la Sezione dei Traduttori, a cui spetta la formazione dei nuovi traduttori sovietici, e la Commissione Straniera, che stabilisce quali autori e quali libri occidentali debbano essere tradotti. Il Reparto straniero del Glavlit controlla il materiale a stampa proveniente dall’estero, la sua distribuzione e le modalità di consultazione e si occupa di effettuare una censura sia sul testo in lingua straniera che su quello tradotto in lingua russa. Parallelamente, il codice estetico e normativo del realismo socialista comincia a influenzare lo sviluppo della teoria della traduzione. La traduttologia si allinea alla critica letteraria ufficiale e promuove un approccio libero al testo che permetta l’introduzione di modifiche testuali arbitrarie da parte del traduttore o del redattore.

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La tesi analizza una parte della politica estera dell’amministrazione Johnson, e più specificamente l’avvio del dialogo con l’Urss in materia di non proliferazione e controllo degli armamenti e la revisione della China policy, inquadrando entrambe nell’adattamento della cold war strategy all’evoluzione sistema internazionale, argomentando che la distensione intesa come rilassamento delle tensioni e ricerca di terreno comune per il dialogo, fosse perlomeno uno degli strumenti politici che l’amministrazione scelse di usare. Il primo capitolo analizza i cambiamenti che interessarono il Blocco sovietico e il movimento comunista internazionale tra la fine degli anni Cinquanta e l’inizio degli anni Sessanta, soprattutto la rottura dell’alleanza sino-sovietica, e l’impatto che essi ebbero sul sistema bipolare su cui si basava la Guerra Fredda. Il capitolo secondo affronta più specificamente l’evoluzione delle relazioni tra Stati Uniti e Unione Sovietica, il perseguimento di una politica di distensione, dopo la crisi dei missili cubani, e in che relazione si trovasse ciò con lo status della leadership sovietica a seguito dei cambiamenti che avevano avuto luogo. Soffermandosi sulla questione del controllo degli armamenti e sul percorso che portò alla firma del Trattato di Non-proliferazione, si analizza come la nuova rotta intrapresa col dialogo sulle questioni strategiche sia stato anche un cambiamento di rotta in generale nella concezione della Guerra Fredda e l’introduzione della distensione come strumento politico. Il terzo capitolo affronta la questione della modifica della politica verso Pechino e il processo tortuoso e contorto attraverso cui l’amministrazione Johnson giunse a distaccarsi dalla China policy seguita sino ad allora.

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Für alle fünf zentralasiatischen Teilrepubliken kam der Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion im Jahr 1991 relativ plötzlich und eher unerwartet. Der Prozess der „Transformation“ beinhaltete für die neu entstandenen Staaten nun nicht nur die Umstellung politischer und wirtschaftlicher Systeme, sondern ebenso die Organisation von Erinnerung und die Konstruktion von Identität, bei der die staatliche Nationalisierungspolitik oft Paradebeispiele von invented traditions her-vorbrachte. rnIn Kasachstan, dem Land, das während der Sowjetzeit am stärksten russifiziert wurde und heute offiziell 120 Minderheiten zählt, stellt sich dabei die Frage, wie nationale Identitätsmus-ter konstruiert werden und wie Politik. Medien und Bevölkerung damit umgehen. Zwanzig Jahre nach der Unabhängigkeitserklärung des Landes und einer Phase, in der die Regierung mit einer Vielzahl von Maßnahmen versucht, den Identitätsfindungsprozess zu steuern, wurde im Rahmen dieser Arbeit erstmals eine empirische Studie zu der Frage durchgeführt, welche Bedeutungen bestimmte Identitätskonzepte für die lokale Bevölkerung haben. Während meh-rerer Forschungsaufenthalte von insgesamt vier Monaten in den Jahren 2010 und 2011 wurden in Hinblick auf die Fragestellung leitfadenorientierte Interviews und informelle Gespräche mit Teilen der kasachstanischen Bevölkerung geführt, teilnehmende Beobachtung, zwei Fragebo-genaktionen und eine Zeitungsanalyse durchgeführt sowie wissenschaftliche Studien und poli-tische Dokumente analysiert.rnDie Arbeit kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass die Mehrheit der Befragten sich mehr oder weniger stark entweder über die Staatsbürgerschaft oder die ethnische Zugehörigkeit zur Titularnation mit dem Staat identifiziert. Auffällig ist die Bedeutung regionaler Identitäten für die Befrag-ten, die weder in der nationalen Identitätspolitik noch in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur von Wichtigkeit sind. Ethnische und religiöse Nivellierungen scheinen im Alltagsleben belanglos zu sein, aber in bestimmten anderen Kontexten eine entscheidende Rolle zu spielen. Starke Unterschiede in der Bedeutung verschiedener Identitätsmodelle lassen sich zwischen Stadt- und Landbevölkerung beziehungsweise zwischen sowjetisierten und nach der Wende repatri-ierten Kasachen ausmachen.rnEs ist anzunehmen, dass die Regierung der entscheidende Agent in der Identitätsfindung des Landes ist. Unter den Befragten zeigte sich, dass Identitätspolitik auf der pragmatischen Ebe-ne, beispielsweise in der Anerkennung von Russisch und Kasachisch als Staatssprachen, er-folgreicher ist als auf der emotionalen. rn

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One of the most serious problems of the modern medicine is the growing emergence of antibiotic resistance among pathogenic bacteria. In this circumstance, different and innovative approaches for treating infections caused by multidrug-resistant bacteria are imperatively required. Bacteriophage Therapy is one among the fascinating approaches to be taken into account. This consists of the use of bacteriophages, viruses that infect bacteria, in order to defeat specific bacterial pathogens. Phage therapy is not an innovative idea, indeed, it was widely used around the world in the 1930s and 1940s, in order to treat various infection diseases, and it is still used in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Nevertheless, Western scientists mostly lost interest in further use and study of phage therapy and abandoned it after the discovery and the spread of antibiotics. The advancement of scientific knowledge of the last years, together with the encouraging results from recent animal studies using phages to treat bacterial infections, and above all the urgent need for novel and effective antimicrobials, have given a prompt for additional rigorous researches in this field. In particular, in the laboratory of synthetic biology of the department of Life Sciences at the University of Warwick, a novel approach was adopted, starting from the original concept of phage therapy, in order to study a concrete alternative to antibiotics. The innovative idea of the project consists in the development of experimental methodologies, which allow to engineer a programmable synthetic phage system using a combination of directed evolution, automation and microfluidics. The main aim is to make “the therapeutics of tomorrow individualized, specific, and self-regulated” (Jaramillo, 2015). In this context, one of the most important key points is the Bacteriophage Quantification. Therefore, in this research work, a mathematical model describing complex dynamics occurring in biological systems involving continuous growth of bacteriophages, modulated by the performance of the host organisms, was implemented as algorithms into a working software using MATLAB. The developed program is able to predict different unknown concentrations of phages much faster than the classical overnight Plaque Assay. What is more, it gives a meaning and an explanation to the obtained data, making inference about the parameter set of the model, that are representative of the bacteriophage-host interaction.