995 resultados para Society for Ethical Culture (Chicago, Ill)


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In this paper a look is taken at the relatively new area of culturing neural tissue and embodying it in a mobile robot platform—essentially giving a robot a biological brain. Present technology and practice is discussed. New trends and the potential effects of and in this area are also indicated. This has a potential major impact with regard to society and ethical issues and hence some initial observations are made. Some initial issues are also considered with regard to the potential consciousness of such a brain.

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Ethical leadership has been widely identified as the key variable in enhancing team-level organizational citizenship behavior (team-level OCB) in western economic and business contexts. This is challenged by empirical evidence in China and findings of this study. Our study examined the relationship between ethical leadership, organizational ethical context (ethical culture and corporate ethical values) and team-level OCB. Team-level data has been collected from 57 functional teams in 57 firms operating in China. The findings suggest that although ethical leadership is positively associated with team-level OCB, ethical context positively moderates the relationship between ethical leadership and team-level OCB. The higher ethical context is found to be, the greater is the (positive) effects of ethical leadership on team-level OCB and the opposite holds true when ethical context is low. Key implications are discussed on the role of contextual ethics for team level OCB, while managerial implications include how non-Chinese firms could improve team-level OCB in the Chinese business context.

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This article critically explores the nature and purpose of relationships and inter-dependencies between stakeholders in the context of a parastatal chromite mining company in the Betsiboka Region of Northern Madagascar. An examination of the institutional arrangements at the interface between the mining company and local communities identified power hierarchies and dependencies in the context of a dominant paternalistic environment. The interactions, inter alia, limited social cohesion and intensified the fragility and weakness of community representation, which was further influenced by ethnic hierarchies between the varied community groups; namely, indigenous communities and migrants to the area from different ethnic groups. Moreover, dependencies and nepotism, which may exist at all institutional levels, can create civil society stakeholder representatives who are unrepresentative of the society they are intended to represent. Similarly, a lack of horizontal and vertical trust and reciprocity inherent in Malagasy society engenders a culture of low expectations regarding transparency and accountability, which further catalyses a cycle of nepotism and elite rent-seeking behaviour. On the other hand, leaders retain power with minimal vertical delegation or decentralisation of authority among levels of government and limit opportunities to benefit the elite, perpetuating rent-seeking behaviour within the privileged minority. Within the union movement, pluralism and the associated politicisation of individual unions restricts solidarity, which impacts on the movement’s capacity to act as a cohesive body of opinion and opposition. Nevertheless, the unions’ drive to improve their social capital has increased expectations of transparency and accountability, resulting in demands for greater engagement in decision-making processes.

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The current social climate of heightened intercultural tensions in culturally pluralist societies such as Australia highlights the need to develop a more nuanced understanding of the complex cultural adjustment processes  encountered by migrant youth in developing and articulating a sense of  national belonging, To this end, this chapter examines migrant settlement experiences as a 'process by which individuals and groups ... maintain their cultural identity while actively participating in the larger societal framework' (Karac 2001). Research into these critical aspects of integration and  acculturation examines identity formation as a cultural process of  renegotiating individual and group identity, and focuses on concepts of belonging, recognition and self-respect (Berry '997). While cultural factors are considered critical indicators of successful integration into the host community, insufficient research has been conducted into the particular processes of group and individual identity formation that take place amongst migrant youth. In the case of Australia, this process has been made  particularly difficult for some cultural groups due to the contemporary resurgence of populist and exclusionary discourses of national identity. In such a context, the construction of identity amongst migrant youth is all the more challenging, especially when this process exhibits notions of dual attachment, hybridity and difference. For migrant youth, the engagement with different social institutions such as family, school and wider societal networks often affects the processes of identity 'formation that are inherently  dynamic and 'necessarily multiple and fluid' (Noble & Tabar 2002, pp.I28). Negotiating life in-between cultures, youths from migrant backgrounds experience identity construction as a highly contested territory.

Cultural identity is a central issue for immigrants, regardless of how much time has elapsed since leaving their country of origin. This issue is particularly salient for first- and second-generation1 migrant youth, who negotiate identity space comfortably alongside, in opposition to, or more commonly, somewhere in between, their immigrant parents' conceptions of culture and the receiving culture in which they live. Unlike their native peers,  the children of immigrants arc exposed to intra-ethnic and inter- ethnic   dynamics and experiences in their journey towards cultural identity formation. These experiences are complex and diverse, and are navigated within multi- layered ethnic, racial, familial, gendered, socioeconomic and educational  contexts.

The chapter begins by providing theoretical frameworks for conceptualising  cultural diversity and cultural identity. It then examines how migrant youth  negotiate cultural identity in the public realms of family networks and school  environments and how these translate into key educational and behavioural  outcomes. It will draw on some qualitative snapshots as a way of illustrating  shifting migrant youth attitudes towards society, school and culture.

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JIM CULLEN was born in Queens, New York, and attended public schools on Long Island. He received his B.A. in English from Tufts University, and his A.M. and Ph.D. degrees in American Civilization from Brown University. He has taught at a number of colleges and universities, including Harvard and Brown. He is currently a teacher, and serves on the Board of the Trustees, at the Ethical Culture Fieldston School in New York City. Jim is married to historian Lyde Cullen Sizer and has four children.
CONTEXT: Dr Glenn Moore co-ordinates the subject 'Searching for the American Dream’ at The University of Melbourne. For the last nine years he has taken second and third year history students to Boston, New York and Washington, D.C to explore the philosophy of genius loci. Dr Moore gets students to work in food banks, visit homeless shelters, museums and organizes an array of guest speakers with experts such as Boston public defender, Denise Regan, Neera Tanden, Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager and Alec Ross, vice president of One Economy. As the leading expert on the American Dream, with the publication of so many books in American history such as: The American Dream: A Short History of an Idea that Shaped a Nation, Born in the U.S.A.: Bruce Springsteen and the American Tradition and Restless in the Promised Land: Catholics and the American Dream, Jim Cullen has spoken to the students for the last five years. I interviewed him prior to his recent discussion with the students in New York on 5 July 2006 at the Fashion Institute of Technology.

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In an age of managed care and new biological therapies for mental illness, psychoanalysis is generally seen as a 'profession on the ropes' whose hour is up. What went wrong? While external factors have played their part in the fall of psychoanalysis, psychoanalysts have generally disregarded their own crucial role in creating this decline. This thesis examines this role as played out through their own institutions, the freestanding psychoanalytic institutes. Freud was an explorer but he also codified his ideas. His work has been taken as an inspiration to explore without presuppositions but also as Holy Writ. Psychoanalysis deals with emotions and excites passions. Like religion, psychoanalysis asks big questions, and, like religion, is easily influenced and seduced by dogmatic answers to these difficult questions. Psychoanalytic institutes have been notable as closed shops. Their solid walls have kept them sealed off and mysterious to the outside world, including the mental health professions and the academy. Authoritarian cliques, power struggles and intrigues have predominated inside the institutes. Institute life has been secret, the subject of rumour rather than knowledge. Insiders often know little about of other institutes (unless they are involved in site visits to particular institutes). Sometimes, insiders have a limited view of their own institutions because they see them through the vantage points of their own experience and that of some close colleagues. I have interviewed central participants of the dramas of the histories of some key psychoanalytic institutes in the US. For the first time, this thesis recounts the intricate inside history of these organizations. The thesis reveals the detailed inner political histories of arguably the four most important and varied psychoanalytic institutes affiliated with the APsaA. The New York Psychoanalytic Institute was the first and for decades the prestigious institute which set the model for many others. It became pre-eminent on a world scale with the immigration of leading European analysts fleeing the Nazis. The Boston Psychoanalytic Society and Institute, the Chicago Psychoanalytic Institute and the Los Angeles Psychoanalytic Society and Institute are quite varied in their organization and histories. The cultures are often quite different yet many of the problems will be found to be similar at base. I first examine the detailed political history of the New York Psychoanalytic Institute which provides a quintessential example of analytic anointment in practice, together with its pitfalls. I then examine a split that occurred in the Boston Psychoanalytic Society and Institute, which demonstrates some of the tensions and ambiguities that seem inherent in psychoanalytic organizations, especially where society and institute are part of the same institution. I move on to investigate a very different history in the Chicago Psychoanalytic Institute, which is quite differently organized: in Chicago, the institute with a lay Board of Trustees is quite separate from the society, and has for most of its history been headed by a powerful director. Then I look at the very complex history of the Los Angeles Psychoanalytic Society and Institute which in the 1970s came very close to being closed down by the APsaA. The Los Angeles Institute history is especially colourful and informative, given the introduction of Kleinian and object relations ideas into the institute and the reactions to them. These histories provide dramatic insights into what psychoanalysts and their institutions have contributed to what has gone wrong with psychoanalysis from the basis of a critique. A major aspect of the problem, in my view, is that a basically humanistic discipline has conceived and touted itself as a positivist science while organizing itself institutionally as a religion. I argue that psychoanalysts approach psychoanalysis with an inappropriate paradigm, 'as if it were a science. Their systemic misconception of their own discipline, and the resultant, widespread creation of what Christopher Bollas calls a 'false expertise' contributes to their present-day decline. I argue that qualification from an institute assumes the transmission of a body of knowledge which has not really been established as knowledge. This presumed knowledge is then transmitted by means of anointment reminiscent of the Bible. There is no unified body of knowledge within the psychoanalytic field nor is there a unified practice that can be readily empirically tested. Therefore, by default, psychoanalytic education has become a process of anointment, transmission through a subjective process akin to consecration. The large gap between the small knowledge base of psychoanalysis and the high level of 'pretend' knowledge which is inculcated during training and upon which qualification is based entrench conditions which themselves make real knowledge in this complex field more and more difficult to attain. This argument has implications not only for psychoanalysis but for many other professions where knowledge and qualification have unrealistic and inappropriate bases.

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This thesis deals with codes of ethics in the top 500 companies operating in the private sector in Australia. We seek to answer two questions. First, can businesses adopt codes of ethics in a meaningful way, or are business ethics a contradiction in terms for profit seeking organisations in competitive markets? Second, to what extent do Australia’s top 500 private sector firms show commitment to codes of ethics? A number of ancillary questions are explored to form a picture of the current Australian situation and to compare it to the rest of the world, especially the US and Canada. Chapter 1 discusses these questions and the origins of the author’s interest in business ethics. This chapter develops a focus upon codes of ethics and their role in assisting to establish and maintain an ethical culture. The chapter looks at previous research on codes of ethics and demonstrates a lack of understanding in Australia on the subject and the need for research into it. Also included in Chapter 1 is the plan for the thesis. Chapters 2 to 4 review the literature upon which the thesis is based. In Chapter 2, the meaning of the terms ethics and business ethics are considered. Deontological and teleological approaches are distinguished and a (largely) teleological model of business ethics is developed. This chapter also asks whether business ethics are possible. The contention that ethics may be good for a business’s profit is explored in-depth and the conclusion is reached that ethics should be pursued for its inherent worth regardless of the economic benefit that can be attributed to it. A number of models of ethical decision making are discussed in Chapter 3 starting with Kohlberg and Kramer (1969). This discussion leads to the conclusion that organisations must create an ethical culture for staff if they require them to embrace ethical practices. If this is a correct conclusion, then the role of senior managers becomes critical in the process. Chapter 4 looks further at the role of senior managers, organisational culture and ethical/unethical behaviour in organisations. The conclusion is that senior managers do play an integral part in shaping the culture of an organisation. Their actions, either overtly or covertly, impact upon their staff and highlight behaviour that the organisation is or is not willing to tolerate. Sims (1991) proposed ten ways to foster an ethical culture and these ideas are set out and further explored through the work of other writers on management ethics. Finally, the link between ethics and strategic planning is examined. In Chapter 5 the methods used for empirical data gathering are described and justified. A number of factors that can lead us to consider a company’s ‘commitment’ to ethics are outlined. A survey of Australian companies was the primary means of data collection. Each question in the survey instrument is listed and explained. Also the survey response rate is reported, as are major demographic characteristics of respondents. Chapter 6 provides the research findings from the survey of the top 500 companies operating in the private sector in Australia. The research examines: i) the current Australian usage and implementation of codes of ethics; ii) the measures put in place in organisations in order to support a code; From this analysis conclusions are drawn about the ‘commitment’ of companies operating in Australia to codes of ethics. Australian companies are becoming aware of the potential of code usage. Companies operating in Australia that have codes appear to be good at implementing codes and examining staff performance in relation to codes. However, they lack the procedures that incorporate education and training and the implementation of the support mechanisms necessary to enhance employee understanding of the code. In Chapter 7, Australian codes are compared to American and Canadian codes for similarity and disparity. The assessment found that in all three countries codes are primarily concerned with company continuance. Australian codes do tend to be more socially oriented than in the other two countries and also less legalistic. Chapter 8 looks at 4 companies from the first survey that were asked for more in-depth information in a quest to determine current best practice in Australia. These organisations were chosen because they appeared, from the first survey instrument, to have put in place mechanisms to assist employees to better understand the code. The implication is that companies must make a conscious, positive effort to ensure that employees are considered in the process of ethical development. They should have input into the process, rather than just being directed to follow another management initiative. The final chapter summarises the research findings and looks at answers to the two major questions and the seven subordinate empirical questions posed at the start of the thesis. The conclusion reached is that companies operating in Australia appear to be moving towards establishing codes of ethics. Those who already have codes display a real commitment to them. The movement appears to be gathering momentum as more organisations see the value of incorporating ethical business practices into the every day workings of their individual companies. Generally, most Australian companies lag behind the rest of the world, but the pace-setting companies are defining their own best practice and achieving positive outcomes for themselves, their employees and other stakeholders.

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Purpose – The purpose of this research is to determine the commitment to business ethics in UK corporations. This study reports on the responses of those organizations that participated in the survey and possessed a code of ethics.

Design/methodology/approach – An unsolicited questionnaire was sent to the top 500 private sector organizations by market capitalization in the UK. A total of 92 companies responded, of which 56 possessed a code of ethics.

Findings – The empirical findings indicate that the processes involved in developing business ethics commitment have begun to be recognized and acted upon at an organizational level. The supporting measures of business ethics commitment appear to be under-utilized by many of these UK organizations. This suggests that many organizations have not so far developed a strong organizational commitment to embedding their codes of ethics into organizational practices.

Research limitations/implications – While the responses provided a rich picture of organizational actions, further research exploring internal culture and attitudes would add to an understanding of organizational commitment.

Practical implications – It is found that in order to influence practice, it is not enough to have the artefacts of an ethical culture, such as codes, without ensuring that all employees are assisted in understanding what is required of them.

Originality/value – Despite a history of business ethics research, there are a limited number of studies seeking to understand UK companies' commitment to ethical codes. The paper provides guidance on steps that organizations can take to develop a higher level of commitment.

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This paper wants to draw out a common argument in three great philosophers and littérateurs in modern French thought: Michel de Montaigne, Voltaire, and Albert Camus. The argument makes metaphysical and theological scepticism the first premise for a universalistic political ethics, as per Voltaire's: "it is clearer still that we ought to be tolerant of one another, because we are all weak, inconsistent, liable to fickleness and error." The argument, it seems to me, presents an interestingly overlooked, deeply important and powerful contribution to the philosophical discourse of modernity. On one hand, theological and post-structuralist critics of "humanism" usually take the latter to depend either on an essentialist philosophical anthropology, or a progressive philosophy of history. The former, it is argued, is philosophically contestable and ethically contentious (since however we define the human "essence," we are bound to exclude some "others"). The latter, for better or worse, is a continuation of theological eschatology by another name. So both, if not "modernity" per se, should somehow be rejected. But an ethical universalism - like that we find in Montaigne, Bayle, Voltaire, or Camus - which does not claim familiarity with metaphysical or eschatological truths, but humbly confesses our epistemic finitude, seeing in this the basis for ethical solidarity, eludes these charges. On the other hand, philosophical scepticism plays a large role in the post-structuralist criticisms of modern institutions and ideas in ways which have been widely taken to license forms of ethics which problematically identify responsibility, with taking a stand unjustifiable by recourse to universalizable reasons. But, in Montaigne, Voltaire and Camus, our ignorance concerning the highest or final truths does not close off, but rather opens up, a new descriptive sensitivity to the foibles and complexities of human experience: a sensitivity reflected amply, and often hilariously, in their literary productions. As such, a critical agnosticism concerning claims about things "in the heavens and beneath the earth" does not, for such a "sceptical humanism," necessitate decisionism or nihilism. Instead, it demands a redoubled ethical sensitivity to the complexities and plurality of political life which sees the dignity of "really-existing" others, whatever their metaphysical creeds, as an inalienable first datum of ethical conduct and reflection. After tracking these arguments in Montaigne, Voltaire, and Camus, the essay closes by reflecting on, and contesting, one more powerful theological argument against modern agnosticism's allegedly deleterious effects on ethical culture: that acknowledging ignorance concerning the highest things robs us of the basis for awe or wonder, the wellspring of human beings' highest ethical, aesthetic, and spiritual achievements.

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In the direction of questing a sociology that considers the flesh dimension of the existence, that favors to think the body while place of the production of the knowledge, our itinerary of research is characterized for the reflection on the gesture of the body as power of life and production of knowledge, recognizing the precision of the gesture as a privileged breach of comment of the collective life, of the projection and registration of the culture, of the symbolic, of the sensitivity. Our problematic can be meet in the possibility to enhance an open and sensible rationality, tattooed in the body and accessible for the gestures, that its materialized in the relations of the human being with the other and the world, in singular and collective relations. Therefore, the gesture, constructed in the intention the experience of the body, can tell us about the human being, the society and the culture, therefore the sensed of the gestures is constructed from the established and recognized mutual actions for the citizens. It is in this field of production of the knowledge, of knowing of the meat that we direct our perception, in the challenge to immerge into the intention of the gesture in the capoeira game. Of the methodological point of view, for the analysis of the gestures of the capoeira, therefore, of the body as knowledge power, we consider registers of images as well as narratives registers of the universe of the capoeira, as well as my experience of more than seven years in the group of capoeira cordão de ouro1. A epistemological exercise has as support a qualitative research where parts of the quantity of images of the investigated group, as well as interviews, daily registers in of field and over all my experience of life next to the group and to the capoeira, in intention to recognize symbols tattooed in the body and for it produced in the inter subjectivists relations. We search therefore, to evidence sensible and meanings drawn for the gesture and evidenced by the look of the researcher. We presents as objectives of this inquiry to nuance ribbings around of the social and cultural elements in the production of the knowledge of the body, of the gesture, weaveeed for the sensible rationality