969 resultados para Social representation


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Cet article expose la méthodologie de recherche suivie par les différents auteurs des articles. Il s’agit de la méthode d’analyse combinée des représentations sociales. Un exposé définit les différents types de représentation sociale ; il est suivi d’un regard critique sur les méthodes habituellement utilisées puis d’une présentation de l’ensemble des étapes à suivre pour réaliser des enquêtes.

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L’arbënishtë est une variété d’albanais traditionnellement parlée dans le quartier d’Arbanasi de la ville de Zadar (Croatie), exposée a la rupture de la transmission générationnelle et a un déclin rapide. Dans cette contribution, nous abordons l’étude de la communauté arbënishtë du point de vue des représentations sociales par les locuteurs de l’arbënishtë, par les adolescents non-locuteurs se disant Arbënishtës et par les non-locuteurs étudiants de l’Université de Zadar. Les différences entre les trois groupes renvoient a une construction discursive de l’identité arbënishtë, a la perception du statut de la langue, ainsi qu’a une relation changeante entre les deux.

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This symposium aims to address some studies on violence in adults, as well as address the job done in an intervention network in domestic violence and a project on the study of violence in the elderly, in Alentejo. Communications: - PREVALÊNCE OF VIOLENCE IN ADULTS- Zangão, Maria Otília; Serra, Isaura; Gemito, Maria Laurência; Pinheiro, Felícia Tavares; Magalhães, Dulce; Marques, Maria de Fátima - SOCIAL REPRESENTATION OF DOMESTIC VIOLENCE - Gemito, Maria Laurência; Pinheiro, Felícia Tavares; Zangão, Maria Otília; Serra, Isaura; Magalhães, Dulce; Marques, Maria de Fátima - DOMESTIV VIOLENCE IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF WOMEN WHO LIVE IT - Magalhães, Dulce; Marques, Maria de Fátima; Zangão, Maria Otília; Serra, Isaura; Gemito, Maria Laurência; Pinheiro, Felícia Tavares - INTEGRATED INTERVENTION NETWORK OF DISTRICT OF ÉVORA (RIIDE): A multidisciplinary response to violence - Gemito, Maria Laurência; Pinheiro, Felícia Tavares; Lopes, Manuel - ESACA - Ageing Safely in Alentejo – Understanding for Action - Mendes, Felismina; Gemito, Maria Laurência; Zangão, Maria Otilia; Chora, Maria Antónia; Pereira, Catarina Symposium goal(s): - To present studies on violence in Alentejo. - To discuss the importance of networks in the problem of violence. - To present Project underway on how to age with security in Alentejo. Symposium moderator(s): Maria Otília Brites Zangão Project affiliation:All three studies have resulted in an intervention project against domestic violence "Love me, love me not- Why does the violence exist and why does it not choose ages?" funded by POPH. ESACA Project - Aging Safely in Alentejo - Understanding to act, co-funded by: Alentejo 2020 Portugal 2020 and the European Union.

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The reform of regional governance in the United Kingdom has been, in part, premised on the notion that regions provide new territories of action in which cooperative networks between business communities and state-agencies can be established. Promoting business interests is seen as one mechanism for enhancing the economic competitiveness and performance of 'laggard' regions. Yet, within this context of change, business agendas and capacities are often assumed to exist 'out there, as a resource waiting to be tapped by state institutions. There is little recognition that business organisations' involvement in networks of governance owes much to historical patterns and practices of business representation, to the types of activities that exist within the business sector, and to interpretations of their own role and position within wider policymaking and implementation networks. This paper, drawing on a study of business agendas in post-devolution Scotland, demonstrates that in practice business agendas are highly complex. Their formation in any particular place depends on the actions of reflexive agents, whose perspectives and capacities are shaped by the social, economic, and political contexts within which they are operating. As such, any understanding of business agendas needs to identify the social relations of business as a whole, rather than assuming away such complexities.

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Why has the extreme right Greek Golden Dawn, a party with clear links to fascism experienced a rise defying all theories that claim that such a party is unlikely to win in post-WWII Europe? And, if we accept that economic crisis is an explanation for this, why has such a phenomenon not occurred in other countries that have similar conducive conditions, such as Portugal and Spain? This article addresses this puzzle by (a) carrying out a controlled comparison of Greece, Portugal and Spain and (b) showing that the rise of the extreme right is not a question of intensity of economic crisis. Rather it is the nature of the crisis, i.e. economic versus overall crisis of democratic representation that facilitates the rise of the extreme right. We argue that extreme right parties are more likely to experience an increase in their support when economic crisis culminates into an overall crisis of democratic representation. Economic crisis is likely to become a political crisis when severe issues of governability impact upon the ability of the state to fulfil its social contract obligations. This breach of the social contract is accompanied by declining levels of trust in state institutions, resulting in party system collapse.

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This article explores the role of political context in shaping economic biases in representation-the degree to which wealthy citizens' views are more strongly represented than poorer citizens' views in the choices of policymakers. I develop a general model that explains why poorer citizens will be better represented relative to the rich in certain political contexts than others, arguing that the relative representation of the poor will be stronger in contexts that make the views of the poor relevant and accessible to policymakers. I then derive several specific hypotheses that flow from this model and test these hypotheses through a study of the dyadic relationships between citizens and their representatives in the U.S. Congress. The results show that poorer citizens are better represented relative to the rich in Congressional districts that are electorally competitive, have low median incomes, have relatively equal distributions of incomes, have a significant organized labor presence, and are represented by Democrats.

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Social Media is becoming an increasingly important part of people’s lives and is being used increasingly in the food and agriculture sector. This paper considers the extent to which each section of the food supply chain is represented in Twitter and use the hashtag #food. We looked at the 20 most popular words for each part of the supply chain by categorising 5000 randomly selected tweets to different sections of the food chain and then analysing each category. We sorted the users by those who tweeted most frequently and categorised their position in the food supply chain. Finally to consider the indegree of influence, we took the top 100 tweeters from the previous list and consider what following these users have. From this we found that consumers are the most represented area of the food chain, and logistics is the least represented. Consumers had 51.50% of the users and 87.42% of the top words tweeted from that part of the food chain. We found little evidence of logistics representation for either tweets or users (0.84% and 0.35% respectively). The top users were found to follow a high percentage of their own followers with most having over 70% the same. This research will bring greater understanding of how people perceive the food sector and how Twitter can be used within this sector.

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This article examines the role of new social media in the articulation and representation of the refugee and diasporic “voice.” The article problematizes the individualist, de-politicized, de-contextualized, and aestheticized representation of refugee/diasporic voices. It argues that new social media enable refugees and diaspora members to exercise agency in managing the creation, production, and dissemination of their voices and to engage in hybrid (on- and offline) activism. These new territories for self-representation challenge our conventional understanding of refugee/diaspora voices. The article is based on research with young Congolese living in the diaspora, and it describes the Geno-cost project created by the Congolese Action Youth Platform (CAYP) and JJ Bola’s spoken-word piece, “Refuge.” The first shows agency in the creation of analytical and activist voices that promote counter-hegemonic narratives of violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, while the second is an example of aesthetic expressions performed online and offline that reveal agency through authorship and ownership of one’s voice. The examples highlight the role that new social media play in challenging mainstream politics of representation of refugee/diaspora voices.

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The objective of the present research is to describe and explain populist actors and populism as a concept and their representation on social and legacy media during the 2019 EU elections in Finland, Italy and The Netherlands. This research tackles the topic of European populism in the context of political communication and its relation to both the legacy and digital media within the hybrid media system. Departing from the consideration that populism and populist rhetoric are challenging concepts to define, I suggest that they should be addressed and analyzed through the usage of a combination of methods and theoretical perspectives, namely Communication Studies, Corpus Linguistics, Political theory, Rhetoric and Corpus-Assisted Discourse Studies. This thesis considers data of different provenance. On the one hand, for the Legacy media part, newspapers articles were collected in the three countries under study from the 1st until the 31st of May 2019. Each country’s legacy system is represented by three different quality papers and the articles were collected according to a selection of keywords (European Union Elections and Populism in each of the three languages). On the other hand, the Digital media data takes into consideration Twitter tweets collected during the same timeframe based on particular country-specific hashtags and tweets by identified populist actors. In order to meet the objective of this study, three research questions are posed and the analysis leading to the results are exhaustively presented and further discussed. The results of this research provide valuable and novel insights on how populism as a theme and a concept is being portrayed in the context of the European elections both in legacy and digital media and political communication in general.

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A participação social no Brasil evoluiu de movimento operário e de sindicatos, culminando na institucionalização através de Conselhos. Na área da saúde, foi legalizada pela Lei 8142/90. O objetivo deste estudo é conhecer a prática do controle social exercida em Conselhos de Unidades e sua influência nas políticas de saúde do município de Campo Grande, MS. Foram feitos cinco estudos de caso, tendo como fonte principal as atas de reuniões e como referencial de análise um documento do Ilpes/Claps (1975). Os Conselhos organizam-se em plenário, com coordenador, secretário, composição hoje paritária, representatividade reduzida e periodicidade mensal. O processo decisório contempla principalmente elementos técnico-administrativos e técnico-operacionais. No período 1998-2002, o controle social fortaleceu-se por encaminhamentos mais concretos, mas a capacidade de deliberação precisa ser fortalecida por uma capacitação que inclua elementos técnicos, políticos e administrativos, representatividade, fortalecimento da cidadania, divulgação intensa das atividades dos Conselhos, inclusive na mídia, maior mobilização social e articulação entre os vários Conselhos e instâncias municipais que fazem interface com o setor de saúde.

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Since the beginning of Physical Education entrance in the brazilin public schools, the game has been frequently used as content, and in the course of time that practice seems to be intensified. In spite of many approaches of different purposes to justify its pedagogic usefulness, the game has been used as an indiscriminate way due to the fascination that it provides to the students. The present study searches for a description and analysis of children`s (10-12 years old) attitudes behaviors in games, on Physical Education classes, inside a public school. The study was accomplished with the researcher also attending as a teacher (action research). For the accomplishment of the study 55 children were filmed in four different games, of different kinds (exposed, transformed, and spontaneous). The classes` description and analysis were focused in the attitude axis and it was defined four topics for the discussion: Conflicts, Respect of rules, Expressiveness, and Competitiveness. The relationship between the individual with the game and its culture were pointed as the main characteristics in the configuration of the ludicrous activity atmosphere. It was also possible to observe specific situations of this relationship, once the games were limited to the social games (Piaget category), in a school atmosphere where children have students roles. Due to the obtained results, the study proposes a reflexive practice in which the students notice their own attitudes and try to adapt the game to their needs and not he other way around. In this perspective, the teacher has an important mediator roll, once he will be responsible to point out the students` difficulties and promote discussions in favor to provide teamwork.