Magna Charta and Parliament 1900-1914

In 1915 plans for the celebration of the 700th anniversary of Magna Carta had to be dropped following the outbreak of the First World War. Such celebrations marked a sense of Magna Carta as an event in the history of these islands. The usage of the term Magna Carta in Parliament in the run-up to the First World War, however, shows that its granting was not seen only as a significant historical event to be memorialised. During the period from 1900, opening with war in South Africa and ending in 1914 with war throughout Europe, the Great Charter was mentioned 85 times in Parliament. As a period marked by a lengthy constitutional crisis in 1909-11 and beset with problems in Ireland and the Empire, this seems like a good case study period to choose. This short paper attempts to analyse how and why it was invoked in Parliament in the years and what these various usages tell us about how Magna Carta was understood at the time.

Recollections of a conference interpreter: a brief encounter with the European Parliament

Polissema: Revista de Letras do ISCAP 2001/N.º 1- Tradução

The micromorphology of Paleoseismic soft sediment deformation structures in glacial deposits from three sample sites in Scotland /

The nature of this research is to investigate paleoseismic deformation of glacial soft sediments from three sampling sites throughout the Scottish Highlands; Arrat's Mills, Meikleour and Glen Roy. The paleoseismic evidence investigated in this research will provide a basis for applying criteria to soft sediment deformation structures, and the trigger mechanisms that create these structures. Micromorphology is the tool used in this to investigate paleoseismic deformation structures in thin section. Thin section analysis, (micromorphology) of glacial sediments from the three sampling sites is used to determine microscale evidence of past earthquakes that can be correlated to modem-day events and possibly lead to a better understanding of the impact of earthquakes throughout a range of sediment types. The significance of the three sampling locations is their proximity to two major active fault zones that cross Scotland. The fault zones are the Highland Boundary Fault and the Great Glen Fault, these two major faults that parallel each other and divide the country in half Sims (1975) used a set of seven criteria that identified soft sediment deformation structures created by a magnitude six earthquake in Cahfomia. Using criteria set forth by Sims (1975), the paleoseismic evidence can be correlated to the magnitude of the deformation structures found in the glacial sediments. This research determined that the microstructures at Arrat's Mill, Meikleour and Glen Roy are consistent with a seismically induced origin. It has also been demonstrated that, even without the presence of macrostructures, the use of micromorphology techniques in detecting such activity within sediments is of immense value.

The role of a minor party : a comparative study of the British Liberal Party and the Australian Country Party since 1918

and the Australian Country Party since 1918. 2. The thesis examines the proposition that the role of a minor party is determined, not by its total strength expressed as a percentage of the national vote, but by how its strength is concentrated. Australia and Britain were chosen for the comparison because of the many similarities in political culture and in the extent of class voting. Each country has a party - the Country Party in Australia and the Liberal Party in Britain - which has had a distinct impact on the political scene in their respective countries. In the period from 1918 to the present day neither party, at the national level, has ever held the largest number of seats in parliament let alone a majority of seats, and it is in this sense that they are herein defined as minor parties. In the thesis the constitutional background of and differences between Australia and Britain are reviewed, followed by a brief historical picture of each of the two parties being studied. The sources of supporc of the two parties are analysed and it is here that real differences emerge. The Country Party in Australia is a deliberately sectional party with a narrow rural base, whereas the British Liberal Party is more broadly based than either the Labour or Conservative Parties in Britain. 3. Party leadership and organisation are then discussed. Both parties have had outstanding leaders, Earle Page and McEwen for the Country Party; Asquith, Lloyd George and Grimond for the Liberal Party. Both parties have had relatively fewer leaders than their major party opponents. However, whereas the Country Party has been free of serious splits the Liberal Party was shattered on the leadership struggles of Asquith and Lloyd George. Both parties have been identified with decentralisation of state power, the Country Party through its support, albeit sometimes lukewarm of the New States Movement; the Liberal Party through its espousal of a federal system for Britain with separate Welsh, Scottish and regional assemblies. Unfortunately for the British Liberal Party the beneficiaries of their policies in this area have been relatively new nationalist parties in both Wales arid Scotland. The major part of the thesis is devoted to a study of how the electoral systems in the two countries have, in practice, worked to the advantage or disadvantage of the Country Party and the British Liberal Party. The Country Party has been as consistently over-represented in the House of Representatives as the Liberal Party has been under-represented in the British House of Commons. With the even distribution of its support the introduction of the single transferable vote, in itself, would bring little benefit to the British Liberal Party in terms of seats. Multimember urban constituencies combined with some type of list system are the only way the Liberals are likely to obtain House of Commons seats in proportion to their votes. 4. Finally, the relations of the two minor parties with their respective major parties are considered. In the conclusion the future of the two parties is reviewed. In general terms it appears that the Country Party is faced with a slow decline. Although the British Liberal Party made a major breakthrough, in terms of votes, in the February 1974 election, they were unable to maintain this momentum in the October election, even though they lost very little ground. In the long term they must make an inroad into Labour held seats if they are to progress further.

James VI of Scotland Letter, 1579

This letter authorizes William Hamilton of Portmollart to repair to Edinburgh notwithstanding the acts discharging the Hamiltons from being within six miles of the King’s person. James VI and James I (June 19, 1566 – March 27, 1625) was King of Scots as James VI from July 24th, 1567 and King of England and Ireland as James I from the union of the English and Scottish crowns on March 24, 1603 after the passing of Elizabeth I.

Resignation from Parliament, 1977

A letter of resignation from parliament. Sean O'Sullivan decided to resign from his MP position in parliament in 1977 to pursue religious studies and become a Catholic priest.

Letter to William Dickson from John Strachan

Letter to William Dickson from John Strachan. This letter is marked “private”. Mr. Strachan requests that Mr. Dickson come to England to help them “re-invent” the clergy reserves in the Queen and Parliament. The plan is to give 1/3 to the Church of England, 1/3 to the Church of Scotland and 1/3 to the Methodists (1 ¼ pages, handwritten), March 13, 1839.

Receipt from Alex Cruickshank and Sons, Manufacturers of Hosiery, Edinburgh, Scotland

Receipt from Alex Cruickshank and Sons, Manufacturers of Hosiery, Edinburgh, Scotland for socks and gloves, July 1847.

Broadside of a requisition to W. Woodruff from William W. Ball, John McBride, Robert N. Ball, W. Servos, Joseph Wynn and 150 other people for Mr. Woodruff to run as a Representative in Parliament

Broadside, 45 cm. x 30 cm. of a requisition to W. Woodruff from William W. Ball, John McBride, Robert N. Ball, W. Servos, Joseph Wynn and 150 other people for Mr. Woodruff to run as a Representative in Parliament. This is followed by a positive, and humble response from Mr. Woodruff, June 3, 1856.

L’histoire au service de la politique : la chronique de Pierre de Langtoft et les tensions socio-culturelles en Angleterre fin XIIIe, début XIVe siècle

À la fin du XIIIe et au début du XIVe siècle, Édouard Ier (1239-1307), conquérant du Pays de Galles et de l'Écosse, semblait être en conflit perpétuel, que ce soit avec l’Écosse, la France ou le Pays de Galles. Il avait donc grandement besoin de financement. Or dès son règne, on sent que le Parlement avait acquis une importance particulière en Angleterre, de sorte qu’Édouard Ier devait le convaincre de lui accorder les taxes qu’il demandait. Des tensions socio-culturelles héritées de la conquête de 1066 compliquaient de beaucoup la tâche au roi qui se devait de trouver une solution pour unir toute la société anglaise contre ses ennemis. Le roi était également en conflit avec certains de ces sujets. C’était notamment le cas d’Antoine Bek, évêque palatin de Durham qui était menacé de perdre tous ses privilèges et libertés. Dans le but de se racheter auprès du roi, Bek demanda donc à Pierre de Langtoft, un moine du Nord de l’Angleterre, d’écrire une chronique dans laquelle il prêcherait l’union de toute la société anglaise contre les ennemis d’Édouard Ier. C’est celle-ci dont il est question dans ce mémoire, qui étudie la façon dont Pierre de Langtoft calomnie les ennemis du roi, surtout les Écossais et comment il utilise l’histoire pour plaider l’union de toutes les composantes de la société anglaise.