999 resultados para SOCIOLOGIA POLITICA


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In this master s thesis I intend to carry out an interpretation of Michel Foucault s thought that points out the relations and theoretical, conceptual and thematic consequences with sociology in his work and theoretical propositions. For my argumentation and analysis I take as a base a specific part of his thought: the problem of domination in modern societies in the genealogic texts in the decade of 1970. It s about to identify how Foucault does his analysis of the relations of domination and the use of the power with the objective to suggest and point out his contribution to sociological analysis of domination. I will discuss the foucaultian program of the study of domination from four units of analysis: person constitution, knowledge, power and truth. The structure and division of the chapters will follow the specific and detailed study of each of those units of analysis, prioritizing their theoretical sense and consequences to the sociology. Thus, in the first chapter, I will highlight a little more the relations of affinity and the convergences between Foucault and the sociology in a way to offer more elements to justify the general objectives that this work intends to achieve. In the second chapter, I will analyze the subject of domination in Foucault s thought, discussing his basic presuppositions and its intrinsic relation with the heart of the foucaultian philosophical project, the person constitution. In turn, in the third and fourth chapter, I will discuss the interdependence between knowledge and power as an essential and opaque dimension of the ways of modern domination. In the fifth chapter, I will analyze the relation between domination and the truth discourse production

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As one of the most important cities in the state of Pernambuco, Petrolina is settled in the Pernabucanian backwoods, a place that still holds its own traditions and manners. Petrolina s economy is mainly based on primary activities. It s politics is run by Family groups which preserve themselves and remain in power, using the clientelism, which could be said as a give and get practice. That means that the suffrage is a currency to exchange benefits. The present study analyses facts occurred in the political history of the Coelho s Family, which still dominates the local Politics. They persist as heirs of the old system of Coronelism that is maintaining their power structuring a political machine, which is able to make them unbeatable for over fifty years. Despite of a family internal division, it benefits all of them, directly or indirectly. Based on empirical observation, we set a brief historical of the Coelho s family facts, in order to demonstrate the range of their power through the ancestry, which is to say we ve described the local political labyrinths. Our metodological choices were driven by the comprehensive sociology, through the Weberian ideal types, in order to find the answers for the historical, social and political conformation of the facts, in consonance with the reality. According to that, we ve studied the Coelho s political trajectory from 1968 to 2012, considering the election periods. Commonplace: where a new generation becomes active subjects on a new apprenticeship, moral and intellectual. After all, they are all family heirs

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The present work aims to analyze the several proportional electoral systems from the contemporaries democracies in order to, in the end, purpose a system that better fits to the constitutional Brazilian order. In this direction, we pursued to indicate the main virtues and imperfections in proportional electoral systems in use in more than two hundred countries, especially relating to the positive and negative effects that these systems inject in the party systems, in the governability and in the representativity. In order to collect elements, and also before getting to the work s main point, other issues were approached, even in a shortened way. Nevertheless, in a position taking, we conclude the work opting for a proportional electoral system that potencializes the constitutional principles of representativity and governability as well as prints a party system strong and strict, once these are the depositaries of a democracy compromised with the Brazilian society

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This study deals with Sociology teacher identity issues. This is done considering daily routines of Sociology grade school teachers in the city of Picos in the state of Piauí-Brazil. Thus, the research aims to acknowledge the manner the inter-relations between the teacher s know-how and the process of construction of the professional identity of these teachers occur. It is seen that the discipline of Sociology in this context brings out processes related to inclusion and exclusion once the subject of Sociology is distinguished as unstable in relation to other disciplines. However, in June 2008, the law included the Sociology as a discipline 11,684 mandatory on all high school series.The theoretical and methodological procedures of this research were based on an ethnographic qualitative nature research and enabled a documental analysis. In order to collect data, a semi-structured questionnaire was applied in collective and individual in four state schools in the city of Picos in Piauí. The analysis of the information was based in content analysis from the proposals made by Bardin (1997), and Franco (2008). The information was then organized in knowledge matrixes that allowed the identification of themes divided into two thematic axes: teacher education: the search for sense making in experience and the exercise of teaching as well as the Sociology grade school teacher s daily routine. The research enables the understanding of the senses the subjects have on their own activity since the work deals with concrete situations and experiences in the scholar context. These senses are considered relevant in order to enable a comprehension of the inter-relations that are established between the know-how and the construction of the identity on behalf of these teachers. Almost all of the interviewed subjects did not have a degree in Social Sciences and came from other backgrounds especially ones related to Education. Sociology teachers investigated almost in its entirety, do not have specific training in the social sciences, becoming teachers of Sociology by lack of school and to complete the work load. But, in spite of the difficulties experienced in the practice of the discipline all are in favour of its inclusion in high school. They have a clear vision, that through the work of the theoretical content of the discipline with the daily life of the students by using teaching strategies that add value to the relationship of knowledge that are prepared in society at large, to Sociology provides a critical analysis of the reality in which they are inserted

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Este artigo discute a trajetória intelectual e política de Paulo Egídio. Autor praticamente esquecido pelos trabalhos que reconstituem a história do pensamento social no Brasil, Paulo Egídio foi um importante divulgador da sociologia entre o final do século XIX e o início do século XX em São Paulo, tendo produzido uma obra pioneira sobre Durkheim e desenvolvido cursos livres da disciplina. O artigo busca também apresentar alguns aspectos de sua atividade política como senador nos primeiros momentos da República, quando teve destacada participação no debate sobre a criação de uma rede de instituições de controle social e, em particular, sobre a construção de uma nova penitenciária para o estado de São Paulo.

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Os parâmetros de análise social fornecidos pelos fundamentos da obra weberiana apontam algumas determinações necessárias à análise de fenômenos sociais. Defendendo uma sociologia capaz de compreender os sentidos e conexões presentes nas ações sociais, Weber propõe uma concepção específica de método e de objeto na sociologia, que se assenta na explicação de ações sociais individuais, sob condições determinadas, e busca, ao mesmo tempo, explicitar as significações das instituições sociais, nas quais os indivíduos agem, como resultantes também da ação humana. A partir de tais idéias, o breve ensaio ora apresentado, propõe-se a debater alguns elementos trabalhados nos conceitos weberianos de método e sociologia

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Este artigo faz uma breve reflexão das implicações políticas e científicas dos estudos de gêneronão só com o objetivo de resgatar o seu lugar legítimo na construção de uma sociologia de gênero e/ou feminista, como de re-lembrar a sua não-neutralidade mostrando como eles emergiram de um diálogo do movimento social com as teorias. Discute-se parte desse diálogo e pontuam-se as inovações conceituais que eles propiciaram às Ciências Sociais.

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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the challenges to Political Sciences at the moment when many authors emphasize the usage of democratic paradigm as the only way to the rational building of speech in pluralist societies. At the end of one century of the consolidation of modern liberal thought, both in right and left versions (Wallerstein, 1995), the democracy as research tradition(Ball, 1987) fades away its ethical meaning, based upon equality and freedom, and lacks room for discussions about rules for implementing it. The analytical method seeks to historically rebuild the different levels of modern state-nation upbringing and the consolidation of competitive party democracy in the 20th century, which is the explanation key for the political organizational phenomenon of globalized societies. The result of this analysis opens new perspectives to Political Sciences advance in discussing the nature of democratic paradigm since it needs to face challenges to survive, such as: the fight against the structural violence of our society; the fight against despotism; and the adjustment to the meaning of the word freedom. The facing of the mentioned challenges may open explanation keys that will lead to a change in Political Sciences ways.

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In his Prison Notebooks, Gramsci worked with the notion of subaltern classes and groups, a concept that has been incorporated by the Social Sciences and current Historiography. Correlatedly, problems of common sense, folklore and religion are presented. It is important to raise the question of the theoretical and political implications of Gramsci's elaborations, contextualizing them within the entirety of his theoretical and political production, even if only to contest the common uses of the concept and their real relationship to Gramsci, or to examine to what extent this author can be considered relevant for interpretations of the conditions of social struggle in contemporary capitalism. © 2008 Revista de Sociologia e Política.

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Our goal is to investigate the reasons behind the presence of clientelist-type practices among the popular classes in Brazil, highlighting the decade of the 1990s. Our proposal gives salience to factors regarding the phenomenon's socio-political conjuncture, thereby taking us beyond explanations that rely exclusively on historical-cultural aspects or that sustain an economic bias. We use bibliographic and journalistic sources, from which we develop our own interpretation of the period. Thus, we observe that clientelist practices are encouraged to manifest themselves at the level of national political organization particularly within the federal sphere yet are also reflected at state and municipal levels, due to the coalition of political forces created through the implantation of a neoliberal project in Brazil. The latter has joined modern Brazilian social democracy and old regional oligarchies situated primarily within the PFL, PP, PTB and certain sectors of the PMDB, whose representatives are known for their attachment to patrimonialist and paternalistic practices. The inclusion of the latter in the conservative pact that has promoted neo-liberal political reform has thus meant awarding new value to such practices. Herein lies partial explanation for the vigor with which practices such as fisiologismo, apadrinhamento, abuse of state machinery, buying and selling of votes and clientelism have manifested themselves on the national scene over the course of the 1990s.

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The Brazilian democratic transition, still underway today, has run up against enormous difficulty in incorporating penal action. Or, put in yet stronger terms, we could say that the boundaries of democratization processes, delineated through the action of that sector of the State, reveal the possibility that the juridical field remains immune to democratizing change. Although prevailing discourse among law professionals asserts that Penal Justice is undergoing democratization, what we have observed in practice is a strong resistance within the juridical field to assuming political responsibilities within the consolidation of democracy. This article reports analyses and conclusions formulated through observation of the Brazilian penal justice system that gave origin to the thesis entitled Penal Justice in Brazil today: democratic discourse, authoritarian practice. The research sought to reflect on contemporary criminal justice policy, which has been guided by the widening of repression and the continued use of incarceration. Such policy, carried out in Brazil since the beginning of the 1985 political opening has adjusted itself to the liberal project that is also currently underway in the country, as well as in almost the entire Western capitalist world. As we can observe, Penal Justice, even during the execution of sentences, operates in authoritarian and exclusive ways, suppressing the rights guaranteed by law to those who have been sentenced and adopting extremely repressive forms as demonstrated by the extremely sparse benefits that it concedes. Thus, in Brazil, criminality has generally been responded through severe sentences, reflected in the absence of guarantees of constitutional rights and ample recourse to incarceration. In this vein, our contemporary democratic governments have frequently adopted a punitive stance that seeks to reaffirm the State's aptitudes for punishing and controlling criminality. © 2009 Revista de Sociologia e Política.

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This short article, a political chronicle, examines the meanings and political and ideological effects of a Internet petition that was created in February of 2009. Repúdio e Solidariedade (Repudiation and Solidarity) questioned the use of the term ditabranda [a conjunction of two terms, ditadura and branda - or soft dictatorship] disseminated by the São Paulo news daily Folha de S. Paulo to refer to the Brazilian military dictatorship, and manifested solidarity with two University of São Paulo (USP) professors and intellectuals known for their action in defense of human rights in Brazil. Obtaining over eight thousand signatures in a period of less than six weeks, the petition may be considered (as the extensive comments which it includes testify to) a relevant document in the struggle for the right to truth and justice regarding what really happened during the period of the Brazilian military regime (1964-1985). Perhaps its most relevant symbolic role is that of staking claims within an ideological struggle over the memory of 1964. In the center of these claims sits a banner with the old motto No pasarán. In other words, democratic and progressive sectors of Brazilian society that supported Repúdio e Solidariedade made it clear that they were not going to quietly accept falsified views of history that are an insult to the memory of those who struggled, were tortured and died in the struggle to redemocratize the country.

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Incluye Bibliografía