Explaining party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures: purposiveness and contexts

Legislative party discipline and cohesion are important phenomena in the study of political systems. Unless assumptions are made that parties are cohesive and act as unified collectivities with reasonably well-defined goals, it is really difficult, if not impossible, to consider their electoral and legislative roles usefully. But levels of legislative party cohesiveness are also important because they provide us with crucial information about how legislatures/ parliaments function and how they interact with executives/governments. Without cohesive (or disciplined) parties,1 government survival in parliamentary systems is threatened because executive and legislative powers are fused while in separated systems presidents' bases of legislative support become less stable. How do we explain varying levels of legislative party cohesion? The first part of this article draws on the purposive literature to explore the benefits and costs to legislators in democratic legislatures of joining and acting collectively and individualistically within political parties. This leads on to a discussion of various conceptual and empirical problems encountered in analysing intra-party cohesion and discipline in democratic legislatures on plenary votes. Finally, the article reviews the extant empirical evidence on how a multiplicity of systemic, party-levels and situational factors supposedly impact cohesion/discipline levels. The article ends with a discussion of the possibilities and limitations of building comparative models of cohesion/discipline.

Morality and politics: the free churches and the Labour Party between the wars

The inter-war period saw the decline of the Liberal party, the traditional political ally of the free churches, and the rise of the Labour party. This article traces the responses of the free churches to these developments. The relationship of the free churches with the Labour party in this period is examined at three different levels; that of the free church leadership, that of the chapels and the ordinary people in the pews and that of the nonconformists who became active in the Labour party. Whilst attitudes towards the Labour party changed within free church institutions during the inter-war years they did not become important supporters of the party, or greatly influence it. The number and proportion of individual nonconformists who were active and influential in the party in this period was however considerable. In the process not only did Labour M.P.s become the main carriers of the nonconformist conscience on issues such as drink and gambling. They also made a distinctive and important contribution to the development and ideals of the Labour party.

Efeitos imediatos da mobilização com movimento da rotação medial da tibio-femural m movimento da rot e movimento, em ind com flexão do joelho, na dor e na amplitude de movimento, em indivíduos com síndrome s da mobilização com dor e na amplitude de patelo-femural

Introdução: O síndrome patelo-femural é uma das disfunções músculo-esqueléticas mais comuns ao nível do joelho. É de etiologia multifatorial, sendo a rotação lateral da tíbia um dos fatores contribuintes, sendo que pode potenciar alterações da biomecânica da articulação patelo-femural por aumentar as forças de reação sobre a articulação. Brian Mulligan sugere que a técnica para a correção da rotação lateral da tíbia pode ser benéfica no alívio da dor e no aumento da amplitude de flexão do joelho, em pacientes com síndrome patelo-femural, apesar da evidência acerca da efetividade desta técnica ser ainda escassa. Objetivo: Avaliar os efeitos da técnica de mobilização com movimento de rotação medial da tíbio-femural com flexão do joelho, ao nível da intensidade da dor e da amplitude de movimento de flexão do joelho, durante o agachamento, em indivíduos com síndrome patelo-femural. Métodos: Estudo experimental, com uma amostra constituída por 20 estudantes universitários, do género feminino, com síndrome patelo-femural e dor ao agachamento bilateral. Estes foram distribuídos aleatoriamente por dois grupos: experimental (intervenção com técnica de mobilização com movimento) e placebo (intervenção placebo). Foram avaliadas a amplitude de flexão do joelho com um goniómetro eletrónico (Biometrics®) e a intensidade de dor com a Escala Visual Analógica, durante o agachamento bilateral, antes e imediatamente após as respetivas intervenções. O nível de significância foi de 0,05. Resultados: A realização da Análise da Covariância revelou que, relativamente à intensidade da dor, foi possível constatar que existiram diferenças significativas entre os dois grupos (p<0,001). Entre a avaliação inicial e a final, o grupo experimental diminuiu mais 2,1cm na Escala Visual Analógica do que o grupo placebo. Em relação à avaliação da amplitude articular, foi possível constatar que, existiram diferenças significativas, entre os dois grupos (p=0,004). Entre a avaliação inicial e a final, o grupo experimental teve mais 8,6º de aumento na amplitude articular do que o grupo placebo. Conclusão: Para indivíduos com síndrome patelo-femural, a técnica de mobilização com movimento para correção da rotação lateral da tíbia, parece ser benéfica no alívio da dor e no ganho de amplitude de flexão do joelho, analisando o movimento de agachamento bilateral.

Grève des cheminots anglais, Mr Arthur Henderson [secrétaire du Labor party] quittant Caxton Hall : [photographie de presse] / [Agence Rol]

Référence bibliographique : Rol, 56234

Le Soldat en peine de prendre party, en vers burlesques

[Mazarinade. 1649]

The waning of the two giants: the electoral decline of the Italian Christian Democratic Party and the Italian Communist Party

Italy is currently experiencing profound political change. One aspect of this change involves the decline in electoral support for the Italian Christian Democratic Party (DC) and the Italian Communist Party (PCI), now the Democratic Party of the Left (PDS). Signs of the electoral decline of both parties began to appear in the late 1970s and early 1980s and accelerated in the late 1980s and early 1990s. The pr imar y purpos e of th is thes is is to expla i n the electoral decline of the DC and PCI/PDS in the last decade. The central question being addressed in this thesis is the following: What factors contributed to the decline in electoral support for the DC and PCI? In addition, the thesis attempts to better comprehend the change in magni tude and direction of the Italian party system. The thesis examines the central question within an analytical framework that consists of models explaining electoral change in advanced industrial democracies and in Italy. A review of the literature on electoral change in Italy reveals three basic models: structural (socioeconomic and demographic factors), subcultural (the decline of the Catholic and Communist subcultures), and pol i tical (factors such as party strategy, and the crisis and collapse of communism in iv Eastern Europe and the former soviet Union and the end to the Cold War). Significant structural changes have occurred in Italy, but they do not invariably hurt or benefit either party. The Catholic and Communist subcultures have declined in size and strength, but only gradually. More importantly, the study discovers that the decline of communism and party strategy adversely affected the electoral performances of the DC and PC!. The basic conclusion is that political factors primarily and directly contributed to the decline in electoral support for both parties, while societal factors (structural and subcultural changes) played a secondary and indirect role. While societal factors do not contribute directly to the decline in electoral support for both parties, they do provide the context within which both parties operated. In addition, the Italian party system is becoming more fragmented and traditional political parties are losing electoral support to new political movements, such as the Lega Nord (LN-Northern League) and the Rete (Network). The growing importance of the North-South and centre-periphery cleavages suggests that the Italian party system, which is traditionally based on religious and ideological cleavages, may be changing.

Garden party at Charles C. Chapman's home, Fullerton, California, 1914

Garden party at Charles C. Chapman's home, Fullerton, California, September 5, 1914.

Garden party at Charles C. Chapman's home, Fullerton, California, 1914

Garden party at Charles C. Chapman's home, Fullerton, California, September 5, 1914.