701 resultados para Political of security
Resumo:
Liquid crystal properties make them useful for the development of security devices in applications of authentication and detection of fakes. Induced orientation of liquid crystal molecules and birefringence are the two main properties used in security devices. Employing liquid crystal and dichroic colorants, we have developed devices that show, with the aid of a polarizer, multiple images on each side of the device. Rubbed polyimide is used as alignment layer on each substrate of the LC cell. By rubbing the polyimide in different directions in each substrate it is possible to create any kind of symbols, drawings or motifs with a greyscale; the more complex the created device is, the more difficult is to fake it. To identify the motifs it is necessary to use polarized light. Depending on whether the polarizer is located in front of the LC cell or behind it, different motifs from one or the other substrate are shown. The effect arises from the dopant colour dye added to the liquid crystal, the induced orientation and the twist structure. In practice, a grazing reflection on a dielectric surface is polarized enough to see the effect. Any LC flat panel display can obviously be used as backlight as well.
Resumo:
En este trabajo de tesis se propone un esquema de votación telemática, de carácter paneuropeo y transnacional, que es capaz de satisfacer las más altas exigencias en materia de seguridad. Este enfoque transnacional supone una importante novedad que obliga a identificar a los ciudadanos más allá de las fronteras de su país, exigencia que se traduce en la necesidad de que todos los ciudadanos europeos dispongan de una identidad digital y en que ésta sea reconocida más allá de las fronteras de su país de origen. Bajo estas premisas, la propuesta recogida en esta tesis se aborda desde dos vertientes complementarias: por una parte, el diseño de un esquema de votación capaz de conquistar la confianza de gobiernos y ciudadanos europeos y, por otra, la búsqueda de una respuesta al problema de interoperabilidad de Sistemas de Gestión de Identidad (IDMs), en consonancia con los trabajos que actualmente realiza la UE para la integración de los servicios proporcionados por las Administraciones Públicas de los distintos países europeos. El punto de partida de este trabajo ha sido la identificación de los requisitos que determinan el adecuado funcionamiento de un sistema de votación telemática para, a partir de ellos,proponer un conjunto de elementos y criterios que permitan, por una parte, establecer comparaciones entre distintos sistemas telemáticos de votación y, por otra, evaluar la idoneidad del sistema propuesto. A continuación se han tomado las más recientes y significativas experiencias de votación telemática llevadas a cabo por diferentes países en la automatización de sus procesos electorales, analizándolas en profundidad para demostrar que, incluso en los sistemas más recientes, todavía subsisten importantes deficiencias relativas a la seguridad. Asimismo, se ha constatado que un sector importante de la población se muestra receloso y, a menudo, cuestiona la validez de los resultados publicados. Por tanto, un sistema que aspire a ganarse la confianza de ciudadanos y gobernantes no sólo debe operar correctamente, trasladando los procesos tradicionales de votación al contexto telemático, sino que debe proporcionar mecanismos adicionales que permitan superar los temores que inspira el nuevo sistema de votación. Conforme a este principio, el enfoque de esta tesis, se orienta, en primer lugar, hacia la creación de pruebas irrefutables, entendibles y auditables a lo largo de todo el proceso de votación, que permitan demostrar con certeza y ante todos los actores implicados en el proceso (gobierno, partidos políticos, votantes, Mesa Electoral, interventores, Junta Electoral,jueces, etc.) que los resultados publicados son fidedignos y que no se han violado los principios de anonimato y de “una persona, un voto”. Bajo este planteamiento, la solución recogida en esta tesis no sólo prevé mecanismos para minimizar el riesgo de compra de votos, sino que además incorpora mecanismos de seguridad robustos que permitirán no sólo detectar posibles intentos de manipulación del sistema, sino también identificar cuál ha sido el agente responsable. De forma adicional, esta tesis va más allá y traslada el escenario de votación a un ámbito paneuropeo donde aparecen nuevos problemas. En efecto, en la actualidad uno de los principales retos a los que se enfrentan las votaciones de carácter transnacional es sin duda la falta de procedimientos rigurosos y dinámicos para la actualización sincronizada de los censos de votantes de los distintos países que evite la presencia de errores que redunden en la incapacidad de controlar que una persona emita más de un voto, o que se vea impedido del todo a ejercer su derecho. Este reconocimiento de la identidad transnacional requiere la interoperabilidad entre los IDMs de los distintos países europeos. Para dar solución a este problema, esta tesis se apoya en las propuestas emergentes en el seno de la UE, que previsiblemente se consolidarán en los próximos años, tanto en materia de identidad digital (con la puesta en marcha de la Tarjeta de Ciudadano Europeo) como con el despliegue de una infraestructura de gestión de identidad que haga posible la interoperabilidad de los IDMs de los distintos estados miembros. A partir de ellas, en esta tesis se propone una infraestructura telemática que facilita la interoperabilidad de los sistemas de gestión de los censos de los distintos estados europeos en los que se lleve a cabo conjuntamente la votación. El resultado es un sistema versátil, seguro, totalmente robusto, fiable y auditable que puede ser aplicado en elecciones paneuropeas y que contempla la actualización dinámica del censo como una parte crítica del proceso de votación. ABSTRACT: This Ph. D. dissertation proposes a pan‐European and transnational system of telematic voting that is capable of meeting the strictest security standards. This transnational approach is a significant innovation that entails identifying citizens beyond the borders of their own country,thus requiring that all European citizens must have a digital identity that is recognized beyond the borders of their country of origin. Based on these premises, the proposal in this thesis is analyzed in two mutually‐reinforcing ways: first, a voting system is designed that is capable of winning the confidence of European governments and citizens and, second, a solution is conceived for the problem of interoperability of Identity Management Systems (IDMs) that is consistent with work being carried out by the EU to integrate the services provided by the public administrations of different European countries. The starting point of this paper is to identify the requirements for the adequate functioning of a telematic voting system and then to propose a set of elements and criteria that will allow for making comparisons between different such telematic voting systems for the purpose of evaluating the suitability of the proposed system. Then, this thesis provides an in‐depth analysis of most recent significant experiences in telematic voting carried out by different countries with the aim of automating electoral processes, and shows that even the most recent systems have significant shortcomings in the realm of security. Further, a significant portion of the population has shown itself to be wary,and they often question the validity of the published results. Therefore, a system that aspires to win the trust of citizens and leaders must not only operate correctly by transferring traditional voting processes into a telematic environment, but must also provide additional mechanisms that can overcome the fears aroused by the new voting system. Hence, this thesis focuses, first, on creating irrefutable, comprehensible and auditable proof throughout the voting process that can demonstrate to all actors in the process – the government, political parties, voters, polling station workers, electoral officials, judges, etc. ‐that the published results are accurate and that the principles of anonymity and one person,one vote, have not been violated. Accordingly, the solution in this thesis includes mechanisms to minimize the risk of vote buying, in addition to robust security mechanisms that can not only detect possible attempts to manipulate the system, but also identify the responsible party. Additionally, this thesis goes one step further and moves the voting scenario to a pan‐European scale, in which new problems appear. Indeed, one of the major challenges at present for transnational voting processes is the lack of rigorous and dynamic procedures for synchronized updating of different countries’ voter rolls, free from errors that may make the system unable to keep an individual from either casting more than one vote, or from losing the effective exercise of the right to vote. This recognition of transnational identity requires interoperability between the IDMs of different European countries. To solve the problem, this thesis relies on proposals emerging within the EU that are expected to take shape in the coming years, both in digital identity – with the launch of the European Citizen Card – and in the deployment of an identity management infrastructure that will enable interoperability of the IDMs of different member states. Based on these, the thesis proposes a telematic infrastructure that will achieve interoperability of the census management systems of European states in which voting processes are jointly carried out. The result is a versatile, secure, totally robust, reliable and auditable system that can be applied in pan‐European election, and that includes dynamic updating of the voter rolls as a critical part of the voting process.
Resumo:
The European energy sector is undergoing a major transformation and is facing a series of difficult challenges. These include a high and increasing dependence on external energy resources; dramatically reduce the need for the emissions of greenhouse gases to meet environmental objectives and the difficulties related to the promotion of energy market effectively integrated and competitive. Some of the policies associated with the various objectives are sometimes in conflict with each other, while in other cases are mutually reinforcing.The aim of this paper is to do a scienti?c analysis of the developments so far and the expectations for the coming period focusing on the pillars of energy policy in the EU in terms of security of supply, environment, climate change and promoting a competitive and integrated market. The use of renewable energy sources is seen as a key element of European energy policy and should help to: reduce dependence on fuel from non-member countries; reduce emissions from carbon-based energy sources, and; decouple energy costs from oil prices.
Resumo:
Providing security to the emerging field of ambient intelligence will be difficult if we rely only on existing techniques, given their dynamic and heterogeneous nature. Moreover, security demands of these systems are expected to grow, as many applications will require accurate context modeling. In this work we propose an enhancement to the reputation systems traditionally deployed for securing these systems. Different anomaly detectors are combined using the immunological paradigm to optimize reputation system performance in response to evolving security requirements. As an example, the experiments show how a combination of detectors based on unsupervised techniques (self-organizing maps and genetic algorithms) can help to significantly reduce the global response time of the reputation system. The proposed solution offers many benefits: scalability, fast response to adversarial activities, ability to detect unknown attacks, high adaptability, and high ability in detecting and confining attacks. For these reasons, we believe that our solution is capable of coping with the dynamism of ambient intelligence systems and the growing requirements of security demands.
Resumo:
This study proposes a marketing approach to service recovery (SR) models in order to help to explain what factors affect cumulative satisfaction, loyalty and word-of-mouth following complaint behavior. The model has its base on the definition of perceived justice and its influence on satisfaction with service recovery (SSR) and on emotions (positive and negative). Trust acts as a central construct in the model, receiving influence from the affective and cognitive aspect and mediating the relationship between SSR and cumulative satisfaction and between positive/negative emotions and loyalty. The sample for this study consists of 303 Spanish B2C-EC users who made a complaint after an electronic transaction. Results from the analysis show the influence of perceived justice ?mainly interactional justice and procedural justice? on SSR, and the relevance of positive emotions as a key factor in SSR processes, in contrast to the major role which negative emotions have traditionally played in these models. Furthermore, trust mediates the relation between SSR and cumulative satisfaction, and is the factor which has a higher influence on loyalty, whilst cumulative satisfaction becomes the more relevant factor affecting WOM.
Resumo:
Las redes de sensores inalámbricas son uno de los sectores con más crecimiento dentro de las redes inalámbricas. La rápida adopción de estas redes como solución para muchas nuevas aplicaciones ha llevado a un creciente tráfico en el espectro radioeléctrico. Debido a que las redes inalámbricas de sensores operan en las bandas libres Industrial, Scientific and Medical (ISM) se ha producido una saturación del espectro que en pocos años no permitirá un buen funcionamiento. Con el objetivo de solucionar este tipo de problemas ha aparecido el paradigma de Radio Cognitiva (CR). La introducción de las capacidades cognitivas en las redes inalámbricas de sensores permite utilizar estas redes para aplicaciones con unos requisitos más estrictos respecto a fiabilidad, cobertura o calidad de servicio. Estas redes que aúnan todas estas características son llamadas redes de sensores inalámbricas cognitivas (CWSNs). La mejora en prestaciones de las CWSNs permite su utilización en aplicaciones críticas donde antes no podían ser utilizadas como monitorización de estructuras, de servicios médicos, en entornos militares o de vigilancia. Sin embargo, estas aplicaciones también requieren de otras características que la radio cognitiva no nos ofrece directamente como, por ejemplo, la seguridad. La seguridad en CWSNs es un aspecto poco desarrollado al ser una característica no esencial para su funcionamiento, como pueden serlo el sensado del espectro o la colaboración. Sin embargo, su estudio y mejora es esencial de cara al crecimiento de las CWSNs. Por tanto, esta tesis tiene como objetivo implementar contramedidas usando las nuevas capacidades cognitivas, especialmente en la capa física, teniendo en cuenta las limitaciones con las que cuentan las WSNs. En el ciclo de trabajo de esta tesis se han desarrollado dos estrategias de seguridad contra ataques de especial importancia en redes cognitivas: el ataque de simulación de usuario primario (PUE) y el ataque contra la privacidad eavesdropping. Para mitigar el ataque PUE se ha desarrollado una contramedida basada en la detección de anomalías. Se han implementado dos algoritmos diferentes para detectar este ataque: el algoritmo de Cumulative Sum y el algoritmo de Data Clustering. Una vez comprobado su validez se han comparado entre sí y se han investigado los efectos que pueden afectar al funcionamiento de los mismos. Para combatir el ataque de eavesdropping se ha desarrollado una contramedida basada en la inyección de ruido artificial de manera que el atacante no distinga las señales con información del ruido sin verse afectada la comunicación que nos interesa. También se ha estudiado el impacto que tiene esta contramedida en los recursos de la red. Como resultado paralelo se ha desarrollado un marco de pruebas para CWSNs que consta de un simulador y de una red de nodos cognitivos reales. Estas herramientas han sido esenciales para la implementación y extracción de resultados de la tesis. ABSTRACT Wireless Sensor Networks (WSNs) are one of the fastest growing sectors in wireless networks. The fast introduction of these networks as a solution in many new applications has increased the traffic in the radio spectrum. Due to the operation of WSNs in the free industrial, scientific, and medical (ISM) bands, saturation has ocurred in these frequencies that will make the same operation methods impossible in the future. Cognitive radio (CR) has appeared as a solution for this problem. The networks that join all the mentioned features together are called cognitive wireless sensor networks (CWSNs). The adoption of cognitive features in WSNs allows the use of these networks in applications with higher reliability, coverage, or quality of service requirements. The improvement of the performance of CWSNs allows their use in critical applications where they could not be used before such as structural monitoring, medical care, military scenarios, or security monitoring systems. Nevertheless, these applications also need other features that cognitive radio does not add directly, such as security. The security in CWSNs has not yet been explored fully because it is not necessary field for the main performance of these networks. Instead, other fields like spectrum sensing or collaboration have been explored deeply. However, the study of security in CWSNs is essential for their growth. Therefore, the main objective of this thesis is to study the impact of some cognitive radio attacks in CWSNs and to implement countermeasures using new cognitive capabilities, especially in the physical layer and considering the limitations of WSNs. Inside the work cycle of this thesis, security strategies against two important kinds of attacks in cognitive networks have been developed. These attacks are the primary user emulator (PUE) attack and the eavesdropping attack. A countermeasure against the PUE attack based on anomaly detection has been developed. Two different algorithms have been implemented: the cumulative sum algorithm and the data clustering algorithm. After the verification of these solutions, they have been compared and the side effects that can disturb their performance have been analyzed. The developed approach against the eavesdropping attack is based on the generation of artificial noise to conceal information messages. The impact of this countermeasure on network resources has also been studied. As a parallel result, a new framework for CWSNs has been developed. This includes a simulator and a real network with cognitive nodes. This framework has been crucial for the implementation and extraction of the results presented in this thesis.
Resumo:
The international system is changing fast and both the European Union and Brazil will need to adapt. This paper argues that such a process of adjustment may bring the two closer together, even if their starting points differ considerably. Europe looks at the ongoing redistribution of power as a challenge, Brazil as an opportunity. Europe is coping with the detrimental impact of the economic crisis on its international profile; Brazil is enhancing its influence in its region and beyond. Their normative outlook is broadly compatible; their political priorities and behaviour in multilateral frameworks often differ, from trade to development and security issues. Despite the crisis, however, there are signals of renewed engagement by the EU on the international stage, with a focus on its troubled neighbourhood and partnerships with the US and large emerging actors such as Brazil. The latter is charting an original course in international affairs as a rising democratic power from the traditional South with no geopolitical opponents and a commitment to multilateralism. In testing the limits of its international influence, Brazil will need dependable partners and variable coalitions that go well beyond the BRICS format, which is not necessarily sustainable. This contribution suggests that the strategic partnership between the EU and Brazil may grow stronger not only as a platform to deepen economic ties and sustain growth, but also as a tool to foster cooperation in political and security affairs including crisis management, preventive diplomacy and human rights.
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Effectively addressing the issue of duplication in Europe’s defence systems will require a considerable amount of political will and, more importantly, a far-sighted vision of the way to go. Difficult choices will have to be made, and EU member states will have to invest in a complex exercise of coordination of defence and industrial policies and planning. However, the efficient management of EU defence budgets and the maintenance of a viable industrial base demand such efforts. After all, what is at stake is the EU’s ability to guarantee its own security. The author makes a series of proposals to address this issue ahead of the European Council of December 2013, which will be devoted to matters of security and defence.
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The promotion of women’s rights is described as a priority within the external action of the European Union (EU). As a result of the Arab Spring uprisings which have been ongoing since 2011, democracy and human rights have been pushed to the forefront of European policy towards the Euro-Mediterranean region. The EU could capitalise on these transformations to help positively reshape gender relations or it could fail to adapt. Thus, the Arab Spring can be seen to serve as a litmus test for the EU’s women’s rights policy. This paper examines how and to what extent the EU diffuses women’s rights in this region, by using Ian Manners’ ‘Normative Power Europe’ as the conceptual framework. It argues that while the EU tries to behave as a normative force for women’s empowerment by way of ‘informational diffusion’, ‘transference’ ‘procedural diffusion’ and ‘overt diffusion’; its efforts could, and should, be strengthened. There are reservations over the EU’s credibility, choice of engagement and its commitment in the face of security and ideological concerns. Moreover, it seems that the EU focuses more intently on women’s political rights than on their social and economic freedoms.
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Many scholars have analyzed the role of the European Union (EU) in its southern neighborhood by looking at the EU’s policy documents and strategies. As such, it is often argued that the EU is at best a useful partner in democratic reform and at worst an unsuccessful ‘normative power’. However, very few studies have analyzed the EU’s role from the recipients’ point of view: the southern neighboring countries themselves. This paper adopts an ‘outside-in approach’ and explores what the southern neighborhood countries believe the EU should be or do. On the basis of a set of 15 interviews with diplomats from the region and an analysis of 50 newspaper articles from the region on the EU’s relations with its southern neighborhood, this paper seeks to reveal the EU’s real ’added value’ for its southern Mediterranean partners. To what extent does the EU’s own perceived role in its southern neighborhood match the role conception of those countries? Based on the three case studies of Algeria, Jordan and Egypt, the paper finds that there is a clear divergence in role conceptions between the EU and its southern partners. While the EU sees itself as a ‘force for good’ and promoter of norms and democracy in the southern Mediterranean region, the three countries primarily believe that the EU perceives itself foremost as a provider of security and stability in the region, while they primarily expect it to act as a reliable partner for economic cooperation.
Resumo:
While the initial Commission Communication on Wider Europe (March 2003) did not include Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan in the forthcoming policy for the EU’s new neighbourhood, the Southern Caucasus region has now gained considerable attention in the framework of the ENP and beyond, not least because of security considerations. The ENP undoubtedly represents a step forward in the EU’s policy towards Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, yet its implementation highlights major differences between the three countries and important weaknesses in all three of them. The Eastern Partnership addresses some of these weaknesses and it also significantly strengthens the EU’s offer to South Caucasus countries, which is now fully in line with the perspectives proposed to the Western NIS. The paper highlights five main conclusions and recommendations: • Political, economic, social and diplomatic developments in the South Caucasus in the 2000's highlight both diverging trends and the persistence of tensions between the three countries. They also have different aspirations vis-à-vis the EU and different records in ENP implementation. The EU should therefore mainly rely upon an individual approach towards each country. • While bilateral relations should form the basis of the EU's approach, most of the challenges faced by Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan are not confined to national borders and require regional solutions. This applies primarily, but not exclusively, to the unresolved conflicts. The EU should promote targeted regional cooperation including, inter alia, confidence-building measures to address indirectly the protracted conflicts and measures supporting drivers of change, which play a critical role in the confidence-building process; • Under the ENP, especially since the opening of negotiations for association agreements and with the perspective of DCFTA, trade-related issues, market and regulatory reform have become prominent in the EU's relations with all three Caucasus countries. At the same time, the priorities identified when the ENP was launched, i.e. good governance and the rule of law, still correspond to major challenges in the South Caucasus. The EU should more clearly prioritise good governance and the rule of law as the basis of both the ENP and successful reforms; • In all partner countries (but even more so in the South Caucasus), ENP implementation has been adversely affected by poor administrative capacities and weak institutional coordination. The EU should increasingly focus on institutional reform/capacity building in its support to partner countries and ensure that the link between the ENP and domestic reform processes is strengthened; • In the South Caucasus the EU has recently concentrated on a few assistance tools such as budget support, Twinning and TAIEX. While these instruments undoubtedly bring an added value, they should be better combined with tools allowing for greater flexibility and targeting non-governmental actors, e.g. EIDHR/NSA.
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Within recent years, increasing international competition has caused an increase in job transitions worldwide. Many countries find it difficult to manage these transitions in a way that ensures a match between labour and demand. One of the countries that seem to manage the transitions in a successful way is Denmark, where unemployment has been dropping dramatically over the last decade without a drop in job quality. This success is ascribed the so-called Danish flexicurity model, where an easy access to hiring and firing employees (flexibility) is combined with extensive active and passive labour market policies (security). The Danish results have gained interest not only among other European countries, where unemployment rates remain high, but also in the US, where job loss is often related to lower job quality. It has, however, been subject to much debate both in Europe and in the US, whether or not countries with distinctively different political-economic settings can learn from one another. Some have argued that cultural differences impose barriers to successful policy transfer, whereas others see it as a perfectly rational calculus to introduce 'best practices' from elsewhere. This paper presents a third strategy. Recent literature on policy transfer suggests that successful cross national policy transfer is possible, even across the Atlantic, but that one must be cautious in choosing the form, content and level of the learning process. By analysing and comparing the labour market policies and their settings in Denmark and the US in detail, this paper addresses the question, what and how the US can learn from the Danish model. Where the US and Denmark share a high degree of flexibility, they differ significantly on the level of security. This also means that the Danish budget for active and passive labour market policies is significantly higher than the American, and it seems unlikely that political support for the introduction of Danish levels of security in the US can be established. However, the paper concludes that there is a learning potential between the US and Demnark in the different local level efficiency of the money already spent. A major reason for the Danish success has been the introduction of tailor made initiatives to the single displaced worker and a stronger coordination between local level actors. Both of which are issues, where a lack of efficiency in the implementation of American active labour market policies has been reported.
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Before Russia began its aggression against Ukraine, including the annexation of Crimea, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia had felt a higher level of security due to their membership in NATO and the EU. This has now changed. The authorities of these states claim that Russia has been pursuing an aggressive policy towards them for a long time, using various instruments of pressure. They claim that Russia is now able to organise acts of sabotage against them in several areas and that these could threaten both their internal stability and the territorial integrity of the region. The Baltic states’ reaction to the threat from Russia has demonstrated that the level of cooperation between them is low. It has also revealed certain weaknesses in several areas of how these states function, which Moscow may be willing to use for its own purposes. Paradoxically, this has created a chance for the Baltic states’ governments to take measures which in different political circumstances would meet with resistance from society, such as strengthening the military sector and the level of energy security.
Resumo:
From the Introduction. In order to address the different challenges and opportunities on energy cooperation in the Eastern Mediterranean Region and Levant Basin, EGMONT – The Royal Institute for International Relations of Belgium – together with the Atlantic Council, and supported by H. E. Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs Didier Reynders, opened an expert dialogue in 2013 in order to look at how the management of the new energy resources could act as a vector of cooperation instead of conflict between the concerned countries. The activities have targeted finding new possibilities for cooperation on political and security challenges, energy infrastructure development, the regulatory and legal framework, environmental concerns, and bilateral and regional structures, in a manner that enhances stability and security in the region, increases European energy security, contributes to rather than hinders a comprehensive Cyprus settlement, and promotes wider regional cooperation.
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Foreword. Climate change is bad news for water resources – and thus for human development, societies, economies, the environment, and local and global security. The increasing frequency and severity of extreme weather events such as droughts and floods serves as a reminder of the effects climate change can have on the quantity and quality of global water reserves, and thus on various other aspects of life. Even though the effects differ from region to region, this is a global challenge with far-reaching consequences to which Europe is not immune. As the world leaders gather in Paris in December 2015 to discuss a new international climate deal, it is worth to remind politicians, businesses and citizens of the water challenge and its wider implications, which already affect us today – and which will only get worse with climate change. However, water-related risks resulting from climate change are not a fatality and damage control doesn’t have to be the only mantra. Placing the water challenge at the centre of political and security dialogues, development strategies and climate mitigation and adaptation measures, and implementing smarter water management, could also bring great economic, environmental and social benefits, in and outside the European Union. It would also contribute to global security. Water matters – now more than ever. This is also what this publication demonstrates. Building on the European Policy Centre’s, two-year “Blue Gold” project, this publication shows the rationale for action, how the EU could use its existing internal and external policy instruments to tackle the water challenge with its various dimensions and the benefits of action.