Media translation and lesser-used languages: implications of subtitles for Irish language broadcastind

Eguíluz, Federico; Merino, Raquel; Olsen, Vickie; Pajares, Eterio; Santamaría, José Miguel (eds.)

First SPARK-STREAM Workshop on livelihoods and languages, Bangkok, Thailand, 9-11 April 2003. Livelihoods and languages: a SPARK-STREAM learning and communications process

The First SPARK-STREAM Workshop on Livelihoods and Languages took place in Bangkok, Thailand, from 9-11 April 2003. It was the first activity in a SPARK-STREAM learning and communications process around livelihoods and languages. (PDF contains 53 pages)

Second SPARK-STREAM Workshop on livelihoods and languages

The Second SPARK-STREAM Workshop on Livelihoods and Languages took place in Tagaytay City, Philippines, from 12-14 June 2003. Outputs were intended to be: Drafts of language-specific “Guide to Learning and Communicating about Livelihoods”. Drafts of articles for STREAM Journal and SPARK Newsletter. Priorities and practical follow-up for capacity-building in carrying out participatory livelihoods analysis Follow-up plans. [PDF contains 30 pages]

Incorporating American Dreams into Australian Stories: Political Erasure and cultural transference in film adaptations of Australian Literary Classics

Eterio Pajares, Raquel Merino y José Miguel Santamaría (eds.)

Processing Facilitation Strategies in OV and VO Languages: A Corpus Study

The present corpus study aimed to examine whether Basque (OV) resorts more often than Spanish (VO) to certain grammatical operations, in order to minimi ze the number of arguments to be processed before the verb. Ueno & Polinsky (2009) argue that VO/OV languages use certain grammatical resources with different frequencies in order to facilitate real-time processing. They observe that both OV and VO languages in their sample (Japanese, Turkish and Spanish) have a similar frequency of use of subject pro-drop; however, they find that OV languages (Japanese, Turkish) use more intransitive sentences than VO languages (English, Spanish), and conclude this is an OV-specific strategy to facilitate processing. We conducted a comparative corpus study of Spanish (VO) and Basque (OV). Results show (a) that the fre- quency of use of subject pro-drop is higher in Basque than in Spanish; and (b) Basque does not use more intransitive sentences than Spanish; both languages have a similar frequency of intransitive sentences. Based on these findings, we conclude that the frequency of use of grammatical resources to facilitate the processing does not depend on a single typological trait (VO/OV) but it is modulated by the concurrence of other grammatical feature.

The political econmoy of state government debt : an analysis of constitutional limitations (1961-1990)

Over the past decade, scholarly interest concerning the use of limitations to constrain government spending and taxing has noticeably increased. The call for constitutional restrictions can be credited, in part, to Washington's apparent inability to legislate any significant reductions in government expenditures or in the size of the national debt. At the present time, the federal government is far from instituting any constitutional limitations on spending or borrowing; however, the states have incorporated many controls on revenues and expenditures, the oldest being strictures on full faith and credit borrowing. This dissertations examines the efficacy of these restrictions on borrowing across the states (excluding Alaska) for the period dating from 1961 to 1990 and also studies the limitations on taxing and spending synonymous with the Tax Revolt.

We include socio-economic information in our calculations to control for factors other than the institutional variables that affect state borrowing levels. Our results show that certain constitutional restrictions (in particular, the referendum requirement and the dollar debt limit) are more effective than others. The apparent ineffectiveness of other limitations, such as the flexible debt limit, seem related to the bindingness of the limitations in at least half of the cases. Other variables, such as crime rates, number of schoolage children, and state personal income do affect the levels of full faith and credit debt, but not as strongly as the limitations. While some degree of circumvention can be detected (the amount of full faith and credit debt does inversely affect the levels of nonguaranteed debt), it is so small when compared to the effectiveness of the constitutional restrictions that it is almost negligible. The examination of the tax revolt era limitations yielded quite similar conclusions, with the additional fact that constitutional restrictions appear more binding than statutory ones. Our research demonstrates that constitutional limitations on borrowing can be applied effectively to constrain excessive borrowing, but caution must be used. The efficacy of these restrictions decrease dramatically as the number of loopholes increase.

Four essays on the empirical analysis of political ideology

This thesis examines four distinct facets and methods for understanding political ideology, and so it includes four distinct chapters with only moderate connections between them. Chapter 2 examines how reactions to emotional stimuli vary with political opinion, and how the stimuli can produce changes in an individuals political preferences. Chapter 3 examines the connection between self-reported fear and item nonresponse on surveys. Chapter 4 examines the connection between political and moral consistency with low-dimensional ideology, and Chapter 5 develops a technique for estimating ideal points and salience in a low-dimensional ideological space.

Awakening a sleeping giant: The riddle of Latino political participation

For some time now, the Latino voice has been gradually gaining strength in American politics, particularly in such states as California, Florida, Illinois, New York, and Texas, where large numbers of Latino immigrants have settled and large numbers of electoral votes are at stake. Yet the issues public officials in these states espouse and the laws they enact often do not coincide with the interests and preferences of Latinos. The fact that Latinos in California and elsewhere have not been able to influence the political agenda in a way that is commensurate with their numbers may reflect their failure to participate fully in the political process by first registering to vote and then consistently turning out on election day to cast their ballots.

To understand Latino voting behavior, I first examine Latino political participation in California during the ten general elections of the 1980s and 1990s, seeking to understand what percentage of the eligible Latino population registers to vote, with what political party they register, how many registered Latinos to go the polls on election day, and what factors might increase their participation in politics. To ensure that my findings are not unique to California, I also consider Latino voter registration and turnout in Texas for the five general elections of the 1990s and compare these results with my California findings.

I offer a new approach to studying Latino political participation in which I rely on county-level aggregate data, rather than on individual survey data, and employ the ecological inference method of generalized bounds. I calculate and compare Latino and white voting-age populations, registration rates, turnout rates, and party affiliation rates for California's fifty-eight counties. Then, in a secondary grouped logit analysis, I consider the factors that influence these Latino and white registration, turnout, and party affiliation rates.

I find that California Latinos register and turn out at substantially lower rates than do whites and that these rates are more volatile than those of whites. I find that Latino registration is motivated predominantly by age and education, with older and more educated Latinos being more likely to register. Motor voter legislation, which was passed to ease and simplify the registration process, has not encouraged Latino registration . I find that turnout among California's Latino voters is influenced primarily by issues, income, educational attainment, and the size of the Spanish-speaking communities in which they reside. Although language skills may be an obstacle to political participation for an individual, the number of Spanish-speaking households in a community does not encourage or discourage registration but may encourage turnout, suggesting that cultural and linguistic assimilation may not be the entire answer.

With regard to party identification, I find that Democrats can expect a steady Latino political identification rate between 50 and 60 percent, while Republicans attract 20 to 30 percent of Latino registrants. I find that education and income are the dominant factors in determining Latino political party identification, which appears to be no more volatile than that of the larger electorate.

Next, when I consider registration and turnout in Texas, I find that Latino registration rates are nearly equal to those of whites but that Texas Latino turnout rates are volatile and substantially lower than those of whites.

Low turnout rates among Latinos and the volatility of these rates may explain why Latinos in California and Texas have had little influence on the political agenda even though their numbers are large and increasing. Simply put, the voices of Latinos are little heard in the halls of government because they do not turn out consistently to cast their votes on election day.

While these findings suggest that there may not be any short-term or quick fixes to Latino participation, they also suggest that Latinos should be encouraged to participate more fully in the political process and that additional education may be one means of achieving this goal. Candidates should speak more directly to the issues that concern Latinos. Political parties should view Latinos as crossover voters rather than as potential converts. In other words, if Latinos were "a sleeping giant," they may now be a still-drowsy leviathan waiting to be wooed by either party's persuasive political messages and relevant issues.

Economic Efficiency, Environmental Effectiveness and Political Feasibility of Energy Efficiency Rebates: The Case of the Spanish Energy Efficiency 'Renove' Plan

29 p.

Death or taxes? The political economy of sanitation expenditure in nineteenth-century Britain

This thesis consists of three papers studying the relationship between democratic reform, expenditure on sanitation public goods and mortality in Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century. During this period decisions over spending on critical public goods such as water supply and sewer systems were made by locally elected town councils, leading to extensive variation in the level of spending across the country. This dissertation uses new historical data to examine the political factors determining that variation, and the consequences for mortality rates.

The first substantive chapter describes the spread of government sanitation expenditure, and analyzes the factors that determined towns' willingness to invest. The results show the importance of towns' financial constraints, both in terms of the available tax base and access to borrowing, in limiting the level of expenditure. This suggests that greater involvement by Westminster could have been very effective in expediting sanitary investment. There is little evidence, however, that democratic reform was an important driver of greater expenditure.

Chapter 3 analyzes the effect of extending voting rights to the poor on government public goods spending. A simple model predicts that the rich and the poor will desire lower levels of public goods expenditure than the middle class, and so extensions of the right to vote to the poor will be associated with lower spending. This prediction is tested using plausibly exogenous variation in the extent of the franchise. The results strongly support the theoretical prediction: expenditure increased following relatively small extensions of the franchise, but fell once more than approximately 50% of the adult male population held the right to vote.

Chapter 4 tests whether the sanitary expenditure was effective in combating the high mortality rates following the Industrial Revolution. The results show that increases in urban expenditure on sanitation-water supply, sewer systems and streets-was extremely effective in reducing mortality from cholera and diarrhea.

Formal languages, part theory, and change

A general definition of interpreted formal language is presented. The notion “is a part of" is formally developed and models of the resulting part theory are used as universes of discourse of the formal languages. It is shown that certain Boolean algebras are models of part theory.

With this development, the structure imposed upon the universe of discourse by a formal language is characterized by a group of automorphisms of the model of part theory. If the model of part theory is thought of as a static world, the automorphisms become the changes which take place in the world. Using this formalism, we discuss a notion of abstraction and the concept of definability. A Galois connection between the groups characterizing formal languages and a language-like closure over the groups is determined.

It is shown that a set theory can be developed within models of part theory such that certain strong formal languages can be said to determine their own set theory. This development is such that for a given formal language whose universe of discourse is a model of part theory, a set theory can be imbedded as a submodel of part theory so that the formal language has parts which are sets as its discursive entities.

From social to political. New forms of mobilization and democratization. Conference proceedings

In the recent evolution of contemporary social movements three phases can be identified. The first phase is marked by the labour movement and the systemic importance attributed to the labour conflict in industrial societies. This conflict has been interpreted as a consequence of the shortcoming of social integration mechanisms by Emile Durkheim, as a rational conflict by entrepreneurs’ and workers’ interests by Max Wener, and as a central class struggle for the transformation of society by Karl Marx. The second phase in this development was led by the new social movements of the post-industrial society of the 1960s and 1970s’ students, women and environmentalist movements. Two new analytical perspectives have explained these movements’ meaning and actions. Resource mobilization theory (McAdam and Tilly) has focuses on rational attitudes and conflicts. Actionalist sociology, in turn, has identified the new protagonists of social conflicts that replaced the labour movement in postindustrial societies. The third phase emerges in a world characterized by the ascendance of markets, the increasingly prominent role of financial capital flows, the closure of communities, and fundamentalism. In this context, human rights and pro-democratization movements constitute alternatives to global domination and the systemic conditioning of individual and groups.

De Flor do Lácio à Língua Global: uma análise discursiva das relações de poder nas políticas linguísticas para a promoção, a difusão e a projeção do português da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP)

Nesta última década notamos uma série de políticas que visam ampliar a presença da língua portuguesa no mundo, tais como a inauguração da TV Brasil Internacional (2010), no âmbito do governo brasileiro ou a entrada em vigor do acordo ortográfico de 1990 (2009), no âmbito da Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), organização internacional formada por todos os países de língua oficial portuguesa. Diante desse panorama, esta pesquisa propõe-se a contribuir para a compreensão do papel de políticas linguísticas na configuração do que seja a expansão do português no mundo contemporâneo. Para isso, partimos das premissas de que todo discurso é polêmico pelo princípio da interincompreensão constitutiva (MAINGUENEAU, 2008 [1984]), e de que todo texto político-jurídico-normativo busca apagar, superar essa polêmica e construir um sentido único. Esse caminho teórico-metodológico, nos leva a questionar sobre que processos discursivos constroem essa busca de univocidade para superar a polêmica nos documentos de políticas linguísticas para a expansão do português? Quais coerções foram enfatizadas? De que maneira o enunciador se apresenta em nome dessa univocidade? Acreditamos que encontrar respostas a essas indagações nos levem a discutir relações de poder que sustentam essas políticas linguísticas de expansão do português nesta última década. Para desenvolver nossa pesquisa, selecionamos como corpora de análise, declarações e resoluções da Conferência de Chefes de Estado e de Governo e do Conselho de Ministros da CPLP sobre a difusão e promoção da língua portuguesa, por causa do poder político e simbólico, que essa organização representa em relação à temática. Assim, pudemos identificar quatro posições/faces de enunciadores, o ufanista, o defensor, o apreensivo e o idealista-apaziguador, que juntos compõem um enunciador, que chamamos de super graças a sua memória e a sua competência interdiscursivas e sua maneira específica de enunciar, que potencializam o poder imperativo de seus enunciados. Nas sequências discursivas analisadas podemos constatar que esse (super)enunciador na busca da adesão do coenunciador, articula alianças (a língua portuguesa comum, a sociedade civil) e oposições (diversidade cultural dos países, a língua inglesa) na construção de uma aparente homogeneidade linguística a fim de superar a heterogeneidade fundante da própria CPLP. Desse modo, as polêmicas são silenciadas e podemos notar um processo de construção de um novo sentido de língua portuguesa, homogeneizante em contraposição a outro já em curso de gramatização e heterogeneização das línguas portuguesas nacionais

THE AINU LANGUAGES: TRADITIONAL RECONSTRUCTION, EURASIAN AREAL LINGUISTICS, AND DIACHRONIC (HOLISTIC) TYPOLOGY

El objetivo principal de esta tesis doctoral es, en primer lugar, ofrecer una reconstrucción alternativa del protoainu para, en segundo lugar, aplicar conceptos de tipología diacrónicaholística con el fin de discernir algún patrón evolutivo que ayude a responder a la pregunta:¿por qué la lengua ainu es como es en su contexto geolingüístico (lengua AOV con prefijos),cuando en la región euroasiática lo normal es encontrar el perfil 'lengua AOV con sufijos'? En suma, se trata de explorar las posibilidades que ofrece la tipología diacrónica holística,combinada con métodos más tradicionales, en la investigación de las etapas prehistóricas delenguas aisladas, es decir, sin parientes conocidos, como el ainu, el vasco, el zuñi o elburushaski. Este trabajo se divide en tres grandes bloques con un total de ocho capítulos, unapéndice con las nuevas reconstrucciones protoainúes y la bibliografía.El primer bloque se abre con el capítulo 1, donde se hace una breve presentación delas lenguas ainus y su filología. El capítulo 2 está dedicado a la reconstrucción de la fonologíaprotoainu. La reconstrucción pionera pertenece a A. Vovin (1992), que de hecho sirve comobase sobre la que ampliar, corregir o modificar nuevos elementos. En el capítulo 3 se describela morfología histórica de las lenguas ainus. En el capítulo 4 se investiga esta opción dentrode un marco más amplio que tiene como objetivo analizar los patrones elementales deformación de palabras. El capítulo 5, con el que se inicia el segundo bloque, da cabida a lapresentación de una hipótesis tipológica diacrónica, a cargo de P. Donegan y D. Stampe, conla que especialistas en lenguas munda y mon-khmer han sido capaces de alcanzar unreconstrucción del protoaustroasiático según la cual el tipo aglutinante de las lenguas mundasería secundario, frente al original monosilábico de las lenguas mon-khmer. En el capítulo 6se retoma la perspectiva tradicional de la lingüística geográfica, pero no se olvidan algunas delas consideraciones tipológicas apuntadas en el capítulo anterior (el hecho de que la hipótesisde Donegan y Stampe no funcione con el ainu no significa que la tipología diacrónica nopueda ser todavía de utilidad). En el capítulo 7 se presentan algunas incongruencias queresultan tras combinar las supuestas evidencias arqueológicas con el escenario lingüísticodescrito en capítulos anteriores. Las conclusiones generales se presentan en el capítulo 8. Elapéndice es una tabla comparativa con las dos reconstrucciones disponibles a fecha de hoypara la lengua protoainu, es decir, las propuestas por A. Vovin en su estudio seminal de 1992y en el capítulo 3 de la presente tesis. Dicha tabla incluye 686 reconstrucciones (puedehacerse una sencilla referencia cruzada con Vovin, puesto que ambas están ordenadasalfabéticamente).

Proficiency, Attitude and Conventions in Minority Languages

In this paper we study a simple mathematical model of a bilingual community in which all agents are f luent in the majority language but only a fraction of the population has some degree of pro ficiency in the minority language. We investigate how different distributions of pro ficiency, combined with the speaker´attitudes towards or against the minority language, may infl uence its use in pair conversations.