867 resultados para National characteristics, French.
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This chapter presents an analysis of the unprecedented use of electronic voting by expatriates during the French 2012 legislative elections, when they elected their own representatives (referred to here as ‘deputies’), to the National Assembly in Paris for the first time, in 11 newly created overseas constituencies.
The study is presented within the broader perspective of electronic voting in France more generally, and in the historical context of extra-territorial voting by French expatriates. The authors discuss the main issues and controversies that arose during the 2012 elections, and in a final section analyse the results. The authors conclude by drawing attention to recent developments in electronic voting in France since the 2012 elections, which suggest that although there was much criticism expressed by experts of electronic voting as to the security and transparency of the system used, the official discourse that acclaimed the experience as a success, appears to have convinced its target audience.
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Article 4(2) TEU requires that the European Union (EU) respect the Member States’ national identities, creating a legal obligation enforceable before the CJEU and valuable in political negotiations. However, the concept of national identities is unclear, leaving open questions about the scope or parameters of the provision and its applicability. The CJEU appears likely to take a relatively flexible approach in light of Article 4(2) TEU’s relationship with national constitutional courts’ reserves. This flexible approach would enable Member States to rely upon a range of aspects as part of their national identity, including ones that were previously unidentified. This is a crucial feature if one considers that national identities may evolve gradually or even dramatically, including where Member States purposefully attempt to develop their national identities further. This possibility of an evolved national identity is exemplified by the French Charte de l’Environnement. It may thereby be possible for Member States to stretch the scope and application of Article 4(2) TEU through reference to these evolving national identities. This potential raises significant challenges for the EU regarding the management of Article 4(2) TEU, which it will need to address if it wishes to ensure harmonisation and uniformity in the relevant areas.
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In the coming decade installed offshore wind capacity is expected to expand rapidly. This will be both technically and economically challenging. Precise wind resource assessment is one of the more imminent challenges. It is more difficult to assess wind power offshore than onshore due to the paucity of representative wind speed data. Offshore site-specific data is less accessible and is far more costly to collect. However, offshore wind speed data collected from sources such as wave buoys, remote sensing from satellites, national weather ships, and coastal meteorological stations and met masts on barges and platforms may be extrapolated to assess offshore wind power. This study attempts to determine the usefulness of pre-existing offshore wind speed measurements in resource assessment, and presents the results of wind resource estimation in the Atlantic Ocean and in the Irish Sea using data from two offshore meteorological buoys
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The research project analysed the role and effectiveness of LIFT via a multi-method study which included semi-structured interviews with policy elites and users, as well as case studies and an exploratory analysis of the financial characteristics of three LIFT Companies. While the team felt that it was able to identify key aspects relating to the advantages and drawbacks surrounding LIFT, some aspects relating to the representativeness of the study was adversely affected by a reluctance of PCTs to participate in the case study analysis and commercial confidentiality restrictions. The study was nonetheless able to identify important issues in relation to the funding and procurement of primary care premises and services.
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There is no consensus in the literature as to which stock characteristic best explains returns. In this study, we employ a novel econometric approach better suited than the traditional characteristic sorting method to answer this question for the UK market. We evaluate the relative explanatory power of market, size, momentum, volatility, liquidity and book-to-market factors in a semiparametric characteristic-based factor model which does not require constructing characteristic portfolios. We find that momentum is the most important factor and liquidity is the least important based on their relative contribution to the fit of the model and the proportion of sample months for which factor returns are significant. Overall, this study provides strong evidence to support that the momentum characteristic can best explain stock returns in the UK market. The econometric approach employed in this study is a novel way to assess relevant investment risk in international financial markets outside U.S. Moreover, multinational institutions and investors can use this approach to identify regional factors in order to diversify their portfolios.
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Nos últimos anos, o número de vítimas de acidentes de tráfego por milhões de habitantes em Portugal tem sido mais elevado do que a média da União Europeia. Ao nível nacional torna-se premente uma melhor compreensão dos dados de acidentes e sobre o efeito do veículo na gravidade do mesmo. O objetivo principal desta investigação consistiu no desenvolvimento de modelos de previsão da gravidade do acidente, para o caso de um único veículo envolvido e para caso de uma colisão, envolvendo dois veículos. Além disso, esta investigação compreendeu o desenvolvimento de uma análise integrada para avaliar o desempenho do veículo em termos de segurança, eficiência energética e emissões de poluentes. Os dados de acidentes foram recolhidos junto da Guarda Nacional Republicana Portuguesa, na área metropolitana do Porto para o período de 2006-2010. Um total de 1,374 acidentes foram recolhidos, 500 acidentes envolvendo um único veículo e 874 colisões. Para a análise da segurança, foram utilizados modelos de regressão logística. Para os acidentes envolvendo um único veículo, o efeito das características do veículo no risco de feridos graves e/ou mortos (variável resposta definida como binária) foi explorado. Para as colisões envolvendo dois veículos foram criadas duas variáveis binárias adicionais: uma para prever a probabilidade de feridos graves e/ou mortos num dos veículos (designado como veículo V1) e outra para prever a probabilidade de feridos graves e/ou mortos no outro veículo envolvido (designado como veículo V2). Para ultrapassar o desafio e limitações relativas ao tamanho da amostra e desigualdade entre os casos analisados (apenas 5.1% de acidentes graves), foi desenvolvida uma metodologia com base numa estratégia de reamostragem e foram utilizadas 10 amostras geradas de forma aleatória e estratificada para a validação dos modelos. Durante a fase de modelação, foi analisado o efeito das características do veículo, como o peso, a cilindrada, a distância entre eixos e a idade do veículo. Para a análise do consumo de combustível e das emissões, foi aplicada a metodologia CORINAIR. Posteriormente, os dados das emissões foram modelados de forma a serem ajustados a regressões lineares. Finalmente, foi desenvolvido um indicador de análise integrada (denominado “SEG”) que proporciona um método de classificação para avaliar o desempenho do veículo ao nível da segurança rodoviária, consumos e emissões de poluentes.Face aos resultados obtidos, para os acidentes envolvendo um único veículo, o modelo de previsão do risco de gravidade identificou a idade e a cilindrada do veículo como estatisticamente significativas para a previsão de ocorrência de feridos graves e/ou mortos, ao nível de significância de 5%. A exatidão do modelo foi de 58.0% (desvio padrão (D.P.) 3.1). Para as colisões envolvendo dois veículos, ao prever a probabilidade de feridos graves e/ou mortos no veículo V1, a cilindrada do veículo oposto (veículo V2) aumentou o risco para os ocupantes do veículo V1, ao nível de significância de 10%. O modelo para prever o risco de gravidade no veículo V1 revelou um bom desempenho, com uma exatidão de 61.2% (D.P. 2.4). Ao prever a probabilidade de feridos graves e/ou mortos no veículo V2, a cilindrada do veículo V1 aumentou o risco para os ocupantes do veículo V2, ao nível de significância de 5%. O modelo para prever o risco de gravidade no veículo V2 também revelou um desempenho satisfatório, com uma exatidão de 40.5% (D.P. 2.1). Os resultados do indicador integrado SEG revelaram que os veículos mais recentes apresentam uma melhor classificação para os três domínios: segurança, consumo e emissões. Esta investigação demonstra que não existe conflito entre a componente da segurança, a eficiência energética e emissões relativamente ao desempenho dos veículos.
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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.
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[Contents] Introduction. Objectives. Methodology. Results. Characteristics of the sample. Substance use (Psychoactive substances, Performance-enhancing substances). Profile of sportive adolescents using substances. Mixed substance use. Other factors related to substance use. Inactivity. Conclusions. References. Annexes. Annex 1. Questionnaire. Annex 2. Sample weighting procedure. Annex 3. Sports type.
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OBJECTIVES: To describe disease characteristics and treatment modalities in a multidisciplinary cohort of systemic lupus erythematosus (SLE) patients in Switzerland. METHODS: Cross-sectional analysis of 255 patients included in the Swiss SLE Cohort and coming from centres specialised in Clinical Immunology, Internal Medicine, Nephrology and Rheumatology. Clinical data were collected with a standardised form. Disease activity was assessed using the Safety of Estrogens in Lupus Erythematosus National Assessment-SLE Disease Activity Index (SELENA-SLEDAI), an integer physician's global assessment score (PGA) ranging from 0 (inactive) to 3 (very active disease) and the erythrocyte sedimentation rate (ESR). The relationship between SLE treatment and activity was assessed by propensity score methods using a mixed-effect logistic regression with a random effect on the contributing centre. RESULTS: Of the 255 patients, 82% were women and 82% were of European ancestry. The mean age at enrolment was 44.8 years and the median SLE duration was 5.2 years. Patients from Rheumatology had a significantly later disease onset. Renal disease was reported in 44% of patients. PGA showed active disease in 49% of patients, median SLEDAI was 4 and median ESR was 14 millimetre/first hour. Prescription rates of anti-malarial drugs ranged from 3% by nephrologists to 76% by rheumatologists. Patients regularly using anti-malarial drugs had significantly lower SELENA-SLEDAI scores and ESR values. CONCLUSION: In our cohort, patients in Rheumatology had a significantly later SLE onset than those in Nephrology. Anti-malarial drugs were mostly prescribed by rheumatologists and internists and less frequently by nephrologists, and appeared to be associated with less active SLE.
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This research was conducted to investigate whether negative brand associations attached to Russian hockey players impact their draft rankings during the National Hockey League (NHL) Entry Draft. A quantitative analysis based on various regression model specifications was used to test whether Russian players were drafted relatively equally to their counterparts in the NHL Entry Draft. The data consisted of the NHL draft picks between 1993 and 2013 and their performance statistics and physical characteristics. The results suggested that Russian players were drafted relatively equal to their counterparts from other countries. Meanwhile, Russian players who played in the CHL before the draft are actually drafted better than Canadians who played in the same league. Hence, the negative brand associations attached to Russians were unlikely to impact their draft rankings. This study redefined the so-called “Russian Factor” from a notion that allegedly damages Russian players’ rankings to one that enhances their rankings.
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Le but de cette recherche est de mieux comprendre les fondements et enjeux sociopolitiques d’un processus d’aménagement linguistique, ainsi que de cerner le rôle que le fait linguistique peut avoir dans le processus de construction d’un système national et dans son fonctionnement et de quelle manière l’application d’une politique linguistique se révèle efficace. Pour ce faire, nous procéderons à une étude comparative des cas concrets de la planification linguistique de la Catalogne et du Québec. Le choix des deux régions se base principalement sur le fait qu’elles représentent toutes les deux un type de nation « subétatique » au sein de laquelle la langue propre (le catalan et le français respectivement) s’est révélée être un élément clé de la représentation de l’identité collective, et qu’elle y possède à la fois un rôle symbolique et participatif. Cependant, la nature du conflit linguistique engendré par la cohabitation entre la langue propre et la langue de l’état (français-anglais/ catalan-espagnol) est visiblement perçu et traité de manière différente dans les deux régions. Donc, les environnements sociopolitiques et linguistiques québécois et catalans offrent à la fois des similitudes et des divergences qui mettent en relief certaines caractéristiques essentielles à la compréhension des mécanismes dans le développement d’une politique linguistique. Les étapes de l’étude se divisent en trois : après une exposition de l’évolution de la théorie de la planification linguistique, seront abordés les moments et évènements historiques marquants, intimement liés au développement du sentiment nationaliste dans les deux régions, ce qui permettra par le fait même d’explorer les relations entre les entités « subétatiques » et étatiques: Québec/Canada et Catalogne/Espagne. Puis seront passés en revue les textes législatifs et juridiques et leur portée. C’est-à-dire que sera vue plus spécifiquement l’application concrète des politiques linguistiques dans les domaines de l’éducation, de l’immigration et des médias de communication. Finalement, au regard des recensements sociolinguistiques les plus récents, les relations seront établies entre les résultats statistiques de l’usage des langues dans les régions respectives et les moyens ayant été déployés dans le cadre de la planification linguistique.
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La fête nationale française, décrétée en 1880, vise à consolider l’adhésion à la Troisième République, régime né dix ans auparavant et toujours en déficit de légitimité. Malgré les efforts du gouvernement pour rejoindre les Français de toutes allégeances, des discordes idéologiques persistent et la fête nationale du 14-Juillet ne parvient pas à faire l'unanimité. Telle est la situation sociale et politique de la France à l’aube de la Grande Guerre. Alors que se multiplient les batailles et les pertes militaires, la conviction d'une guerre courte fait place à la réalité d'une guerre aussi destructrice qu’interminable. Les 14-Juillet de ces années-là démontrent la nécessité d'adapter les célébrations nationales à la réalité de la guerre totale et des besoins qu'elle engendre. Parallèlement, le deuil et la souffrance de la guerre ravivent les oppositions sociales et politiques d'avant-guerre, remettant en question les capacités du gouvernement à faire face à la situation, menaçant tant l'Union Sacrée que la République. L'entrée en guerre des États-Unis, en avril 1917, offre l'occasion à quelques hommes politiques prévoyants de rétablir la cohésion sociale autour des valeurs républicaines. En 1917, puis en 1918, le gouvernement mise sur l'union des fêtes nationales républicaines française et américaine pour ranimer l'espoir, le courage et le patriotisme de tous les Français. Au-delà de l'hommage rendu à un allié que l'on espérait plus, l'union des deux fêtes devient le symbole de la solidarité et de la fraternité qui unit les deux Républiques-sœurs, et réaffirme la force et la légitimité du régime français en place. Le 14-Juillet, emblème du parcours social et politique français, connaît donc, à l’occasion de la Grande Guerre, une mutation, une redéfinition de sens. À l'image de la France, « moderne », le 14-Juillet tel que développé lors du conflit, ne cesse de s'adapter aux besoins et à l'image d'une société en constante évolution.