732 resultados para Mass media--Political aspects--Africa.


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Este trabalho busca identificar a maneira pela qual a cultura popular é (re)interpretada nos meios de comunicação de massa, a partir da análise dos filmes documentários produzidos pela Caravana Farkas, um projeto pioneiro de documentação de manifestações de cultura popular brasileira, realizado entre 1968 e 1970 no Nordeste. Para tanto, discute-se como os filmes se inserem no panorama político-cultural do Brasil da década de 60; quais as condições que permitiram a construção de seus discursos; que regras esses discursos estabeleceram; como e por que as manifestações culturais populares passaram a constituir objeto de estudo e de registro dos cineastas; e o que era definido por eles como cultura popular . O tema básico que perpassa os filmes é o da cultura de uma classe outra, que está no passado e não tem lugar no aqui e agora da modernidade. A alteridade e a representação do outro estão traspassadas pelas diferenças de classe, e o caráter de resistência cultural e política das manifestações de cultura popular, na visão dos cineastas, se perde na aparência de um mundo cujo destino já está traçado: é a extinção. Os filmes documentários, por outro lado, servem de lugar de confronto das diferentes culturas e de diálogo entre elas, gerando novos e múltiplos significados, que independem da vontade dos cineastas. É dessa maneira que constroem um novo discurso acerca de uma determinada realidade. Menos um reflexo, no sentido de espelhamento, mais uma referência de um tempo e um espaço que não se repetirão. Nas trilhas da cultura popular, a viagem da Caravana Farkas não chega a um termo nem a um final tranqüilo, pois é envolvida pelas contradições e incompatibilidades que as questões suscitadas pela discussão do real provocam. Mas deixa evidente que a sua importância para os estudos da Comunicação está na própria jornada e no diálogo permanente e infinito entre culturas que esse caminhar provoca.

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A partir da perspectiva da Análise de Discurso de linha francesa, este trabalho analisa os discursos especializados (científico, religioso, jurídico, jornalístico, político) presentes em artigos na mídia massiva sobre a cobertura da Lei de Biossegurança, sobretudo a partir do ajuizamento da ADI Nº 3510, pelo ex-procurador geral da República, Claudio Fontelles. Os dados são artigos opinativos publicados nos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo, no primeiro semestre de 2005, bem como os documentos-fonte do Magistério Católico citados (Evangelium Vitae; Declaração sobre a Produção e o Uso Científico e Terapêutico das Células Estaminais Embrionárias Humanas; e a Instrução Donum Vitae,). Pretende-se verificar o modus operandi da linguagem nestes discursos, sobretudo os aspectos ideológicos de sua construção como elementos persuasivos. Os resultados da pesquisa permitem concluir a presença de elementos dogmáticos nestes discursos, alinhados com o posicionamento ideológico dos grupos aos quais pertencem os articulistas, bem como a presença de elementos mítico-filosófico-religiosos, conforme a noção de Discurso Fundador, de Eni Orlandi.(AU)

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Investigação sobre a regionalização das redes de comunicação, em especial a televisão, fenômeno que representa uma realidade de segmentação da comunicação massiva. Objetiva-se analisar e classificar as emissoras regionais de televisão com relação aos seus modos de inserção local, observando-se suas especificidades, programação, estratégias de comunicação e ações de conquista de identidade com a comunidade onde estão inseridas, além de tentar compreender como se deu a expansão da televisão nessa região, desde a implantação da primeira emissora, em 1988, na cidade de São José dos Campos SP. Tomando-se como recorte de estudo, as emissoras de televisão regional de sinal aberto no Vale do Paraíba, estado de São Paulo, foram realizadas entrevistas semi-abertas com profissionais das áreas comercial e de programação das mesmas e aplicados questionários junto a uma amostra da população do Vale do Paraíba que representa os telespectadores potenciais da área de cobertura dessas emissoras, a fim de se identificar a percepção que o público receptor tem a respeito da presença e atuação das televisões locais. Conclui-se que os diferentes modos de inserção local das emissoras influem diretamente na relação de identidade das mesmas com os telespectadores da região.(AU)

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Este estudo apresenta uma discussão a respeito de drogas e de alunos usuários de drogas na escola, explorando as Representações Sociais manifestadas por professores que atuam na Rede Estadual de São Paulo, no ensino Médio. O estudo resgata aspectos históricos e sociais que influenciaram representações sociais sobre drogas em diferentes contextos da sociedade, na perspectiva de buscar compreender a maneira como atualmente elas se apresentam. Discute aspectos conceituais da Teoria das Representações Sociais a partir de Moscovici, considerando contribuições de Jodelet, e outros autores. Os dados coletados por meio de questionários e entrevistas foram analisados com o auxílio de dois softwares, o ALCESTE para análise lexical e o EVOC para análise de associação de palavras ou expressões, em articulação com uma análise de conteúdo clássica sugerida por Maria Laura Puglisi Barbosa Franco. O resultado identificou que as representações sociais sobre drogas na escola e alunos usuários estão ancoradas no modo como a grande mídia trata o tema, de forma alarmista e sensacionalista, influenciando grande parte dos professores que associa drogas na escola à violência. Verificou-se ainda que objetivação do aluno usuário de drogas é simbolizada como doença e que o grupo pesquisado segue as representações sociais há muito tempo estruturadas na sociedade, tendo a normalidade como sinônimo de saúde e a drogadição como condição desviante, decorrente de patologias. Assim, espera-se estar contribuindo para a reflexão sobre o uso e abuso de drogas nas escolas, um tema indispensável e que precisa ser enfrentado para construir-se uma via que leve a uma Educação justa e democrática.(AU)

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Over the past two years there have been several large-scale disasters (Haitian earthquake, Australian floods, UK riots, and the Japanese earthquake) that have seen wide use of social media for disaster response, often in innovative ways. This paper provides an analysis of the ways in which social media has been used in public-to-public communication and public-to-government organisation communication. It discusses four ways in which disaster response has been changed by social media: 1. Social media appears to be displacing the traditional media as a means of communication with the public during a crisis. In particular social media influences the way traditional media communication is received and distributed. 2. We propose that user-generated content may provide a new source of information for emergency management agencies during a disaster, but there is uncertainty with regards to the reliability and usefulness of this information. 3. There are also indications that social media provides a means for the public to self-organise in ways that were not previously possible. However, the type and usefulness of self-organisation sometimes works against efforts to mitigate the outcome of the disaster. 4. Social media seems to influence information flow during a disaster. In the past most information flowed in a single direction from government organisation to public, but social media negates this model. The public can diffuse information with ease, but also expect interaction with Government Organisations rather than a simple one-way information flow. These changes have implications for the way government organisations communicate with the public during a disaster. The predominant model for explaining this form of communication, the Crisis and Emergency Risk Communication (CERC), was developed in 2005 before social media achieved widespread popularity. We will present a modified form of the CERC model that integrates social media into the disaster communication cycle, and addresses the ways in which social media has changed communication between the public and government organisations during disasters.

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Over the past two years there have been several large-scale disasters (Haitian earthquake, Australian floods, UK riots, and the Japanese earthquake) that have seen wide use of social media for disaster response, often in innovative ways. This paper provides an analysis of the ways in which social media has been used in public-to-public communication and public-to-government organisation communication. It discusses four ways in which disaster response has been changed by social media: 1. Social media appears to be displacing the traditional media as a means of communication with the public during a crisis. In particular social media influences the way traditional media communication is received and distributed. 2. We propose that user-generated content may provide a new source of information for emergency management agencies during a disaster, but there is uncertainty with regards to the reliability and usefulness of this information. 3. There are also indications that social media provides a means for the public to self-organise in ways that were not previously possible. However, the type and usefulness of self-organisation sometimes works against efforts to mitigate the outcome of the disaster. 4. Social media seems to influence information flow during a disaster. In the past most information flowed in a single direction from government organisation to public, but social media negates this model. The public can diffuse information with ease, but also expect interaction with Government Organisations rather than a simple one-way information flow. These changes have implications for the way government organisations communicate with the public during a disaster. The predominant model for explaining this form of communication, the Crisis and Emergency Risk Communication (CERC), was developed in 2005 before social media achieved widespread popularity. We will present a modified form of the CERC model that integrates social media into the disaster communication cycle, and addresses the ways in which social media has changed communication between the public and government organisations during disasters.

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The paper aims to identify actual media audiences of different mass- and non-mass media types through identifying those audience clusters consuming not different but differentiable media mixes. A major concern of the study is to highlight the transformation of mass media audiences when technology, digitalization and participation behaviors are able to reshape traditional audience forms and media diets, which may directly affect the traditional media value chain and in turn the thinking and decision making of media managers. Through such a kaleidoscope the authors examined media use and consumption patterns using an online self-reported questionnaire. They developed different media consumer clusters as well as media consumption mixes. Based on the results of the study the authors can state that internet use is today’s main base of media consumption, and as such it is becoming the real mass media, replacing television. However this “new” media has a completely different structure, being more fragmented with smaller audience reach. At the same time, television is keeping its audience. However, there are emerging segments self-reporting non- or light television viewing. This is how the question of the viewer-television relation among different television viewer clusters evolves. At the same time only gaming exhibited demographic differentiation of audiences based on gender.

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Schools have evolved to be providers of education as well as suppliers of ancillary services to the population that they serve. This article examines one of these ancillary services, food service, in order to provide some awareness of the political aspects of the decision-making process in choosing whether or not to contract this service, as well as the pros and cons of the situation.

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The aim of this paper is to analyze the street demonstrations occurred last June and July 2013, which appear as samples of the hegemonic fights in course in Brazil, during the so-called Big Wave of the social groups in conflict nowadays in the country. Among other questions, this study tries to explain how the varied stages of these fighting groups influenced their late ones. For that, it takes into consideration the bibliography available not only on these groups, but also on the social and political contemporary Brazil. That is why it evaluates political documents, as well as opinion pieces, news and others disseminated by the press or by political groups. Speeches made by political leaderships, as, for example, that one the President Dilma Roussef made on 21 July 2013, deserves close analysis. This also applies to contributions made by secondary data, poll institutions and IBGE’s socio-economic data. Categories and concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s political sociology are used here as theoretic bases. In fact, it favors the hypothesis that, during the dispute for the intellectual and moral command of demonstrations on July 2013, a certain middle-class conservative ideology emerged on scene. This group conquered the agreement of hegemonic mass media acting now as a political party, here designated as media party. These media resorted to platforms preexistent to the demonstration movements, especially their rejection to political organizations and programs in order to ascend as the demonstrations’ leaders along a certain period in which corruption appeared as the central theme of these efforts, while the government tried to get control of the situation. In view of the several forces and issues at stake, the present study contributes to the discussion about the current reality in Brazil and its perspectives, without losing sight of the centrality of the June Movements as political and ideological milestones

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In May 2013, Angelina Jolie revealed that because she had a family history of breast and ovarian cancer and carried a rare BRCA gene mutation, she had undergone a preventive double mastectomy. Media coverage has been extensive around the world, including in Russia, not an English-language country, where all global news is inevitably filtered by translation. After examining the reactions of Russian mass media and members of the public to Jolie’s disclosure, I consider what transformations have occurred with Jolie’s message in the process of cross-cultural transfer. I explore the mass media portrayal of Jolie’s announcement, laypersons’ immediate and prolonged reactions, and the reflections of patients involved directly in the field of hereditary breast cancer. To my knowledge, this multifaceted and bilingual project is the first conceptualization of Jolie’s story as it has been translated in a different sociocultural environment. I start with examination of offline and online publications that appeared in Russia within two months after Jolie’s announcement. In this part of my analysis, I conceptualize the representation of Jolie’s case in Russian mass media and grasp what sociocultural waves were generated by this case among general lay audiences. Another part of my study contains the results of qualitative in-depth interviews. Eight women with a family history of hereditary breast cancer were recruited to participate in the research. The findings represent Jolie’s case through the eyes of Russian women with the same gene mutation as Jolie. Consolidating my findings, I argue that Jolie’s announcement was misinterpreted and misrepresented by Russian mass media, as well as misunderstood by a considerable part of the media audience. Jolie’s perspective on hereditary breast cancer mostly remained unheard among members of the Russian public. I make suggestions about the reasons for such a phenomenon, and demonstrate how Jolie’s case is implicated in politics, economics, and the culture of contemporary Russia.

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Thee rise of computing and the internet have brought about an ethical eld of studies that some term information ethics, computer ethics, digital media ethics, or internet ethics e aim of this contribution is to discuss information ethics’ foundations in the context of the internet’s political economy e chapter rst looks to ground the analysis in a comparison of two information ethics approaches, namely those outlined by Rafael Capurro and Luciano Floridi It then develops, based on these foundations, analyses of the information ethical dimensions of two important areas of social media: one concerns the framing of social media by a surveillance-industrial complex in the context of Edward Snowden’s revelations and the other deals with issues of digital labour processes and issues of class that arises in this context e contribution asks ethical questions about these two phenomena that bring up issues of power, exploitation, and control in the information age It asks if, and if so, how, the approaches of Capurro and Floridi can help us to understand ethico-political aspects of the surveillance-industrial complex and digital labour

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This paper explores the ways in which consumers’ brand trust during a brand crisis is affected through direct experience versus when it is amplified through mass media. By using case-study methodology, our findings reveal that generalised public images of a product crisis initiate a public perception of risk, which provides more negative effects on brand trust than the actual consumers’ experience does. We introduce the media as a third partner influencing the trust relationship between consumers and brands, and offer suggestions for restoring and preserving customers’ brand trust.

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El presente artículo aborda la relación entre los medios de comunicación y la Transición española. La prensa tuvo un gran protagonismo durante esa etapa, al hacerse eco e impulsar la acción política en pro de la democracia. Con posterioridad, los medios han intentado gestionar el discurso sobre su significación actual. Dentro de esta lógica, la fotografía ha alcanzado un estatus singular gracias a su papel de cronista y su circulación posterior, una suerte de “memoria gráfica” llamada a contener los momentos decisivos del periodo. En este sentido, la foto de Felipe González y Alfonso Guerra, saludando desde el balcón del Hotel Palace la noche del 28 de octubre de 1982, se ha convertido en un icono de la Transición.

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A partir de un análisis temático inductivo, este artículo explora la visión ciudadana sobre la esfera pública expresada en las cartas de los lectores de los diarios El Tiempo y El Heraldo de Colombia. Los resultados muestran cómo la identidad colectiva de los lectores apareció en forma transversal en las cartas, para dar cuenta de una comunidad de adultos que se autodefine como “colombianos de bien”. El análisis reveló dos unidades de significado: posturas sobre la administración de lo público y antagonismos en la esfera pública, centrada en el conflicto político con las guerrillas. A través de estas se pudieron hacer visibles los llamamientos vívidos de los lectores al gobierno, funcionarios públicos, actores al margen de la ley y a sus compatriotas, para movilizarse para exigir cambios sociales largamente esperados.

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The aim of this paper is to analyse the state of the investigative journalism in Mexico, especially the one that is practiced at the local level in the provinces. That is, this research is based upon a case study conducted in Morelia, the capital city of the state of Michoacán. The empirical evidence will show that there is an evident divergence regarding the practice of the investigative journalism: on the one hand, journalists are aware of what this concept involves and they consider that they practice it on a regular basis; but, on the other, the content analysis prove otherwise. In other words, the account of what is actually printed significantly differs from the news workers’ perceptions, because the former shows a poorly developed journalistic investigation practice.