470 resultados para Marxist-Feministerna-ryhmä
Resumo:
The television studio play is often perceived as a somewhat compromised, problematic mode in which spatial and technological constraints inhibit the signifying and aesthetic capacity of dramatic texts. Leah Panos examines the function of the studio in the 1970s television dramas of socialist playwright Trevor Griffiths, and argues that the established verbal and visual conventions of the studio play, in its confined and ‘alienated’ space, connect with and reinforce various aspects of Griffiths's particular approach and agenda. As well as suggesting ways in which the idealist, theoretical focus of the intellectual New Left is reflexively replicated within the studio, Panos explores how the ‘intimate’ visual language of the television studio allows Griffiths to create a ‘humanized’ Marxist discourse through which he examines dialectically his dramatic characters' experiences, ideas, morality, and political objectives. Leah Panos recently completed her doctoral thesis, ‘Dramatizing New Left Contradictions: Television Texts of Ken Loach, Jim Allen, and Trevor Griffiths’, at the University of Reading and is now a Postdoctoral Researcher on the AHRC funded project, ‘Spaces of Television: Production, Site and Style’, which runs from July 2010 to March 2014.
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This book follows a revolutionary trend popular among young activists and would-be radicals after 1917, the formation of collective units of cohabitation and association known as 'urban communes'. In these spaces, activists tried to live what they understood as the 'socialist lifestyle', self-consciously putting Marxist and Bolshevik theories into practice. By telling the story of the urban communes, this book reveals how grand revolutionary ideals, such as collectivism, equality, proletarian ethics, and modern practice, were experienced, understood, and appropriated on a human level. This enables us to better understand the messy realities of the early Soviet state, showing how ideological beliefs and revolutionary contingencies actually came into being during this time.
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The principles of the Unified Health System (Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS) - universal attendance, integrated and decentralized administration and the users' participation - were included in the Federal Constitution of 1988 as a result of a political movement around the subject of the health which has begun in the second half of the decade of 70, together with the overcoming process of the authoritarian regimen established in 1964. This movement, which got the name of sanitary movement or movement for the Sanitary Reform, can be understood in its relationship with a process of cultural changing among the Brazilian left, that looked for new forms of facing the democracy and, with it, the social policy. This work part of the premise that one of the main influences to guide this new vision was the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci's thought. We've tried to identify, in the formation of the speech on the Sanitary Reform and in the definition of the political strategies of those that make efforts for it, the influences of Gramsci. To reach this objective, we analyzed the editorials of Saúde em Debate (Health in Debate) magazine, official vehicle of the Centro Brasileiro de Estudos de Saúde (Brazilian Health Studies Center - Cebes), which is still in activity, that represented, in the analyzed period, 1976 to 1988, the critical thought about the reality of the health in the country and finished to be the institution that supported the project of Sanitary Reform.
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Este trabalho busca resgatar a origem e história de uma das organizações de esquerda que surgiu no período de 1968 a partir das dissidências dentro do Partido Comunista Brasileiro. Inúmeras organizações irão surgir nesse período, sendo que a maioria das mesmas irá aderir ao processo de luta armada contra o regime militar. Entre as diversas diferenças políticas e ideológicas entre elas, uma se destacava: a manutenção de uma estrutura de partido ou a criação de organizações sem estrutura de partido e com liberdade de ação por parte dos comandos militares da organização. O fundo dessa discordância era proveniente da influência da Revolução Cubana entre os militantes de esquerda na América Latina através da Teoria do Foco, onde a ação de partido era considerada desnecessária. Por outro lado, também é fruto da retomada dos debates sobre concepção de partido revolucionário e a relação dos partidos com os movimentos de massas, debate presente no pensamento marxista europeu durante toda a primeira metade do século XX. O PCBR buscou aliar a concepção leninista de partido com as posições de defesa da autonomia do movimento de massas frente aos partidos, concepção defendida pela marxista alemã Rosa Luxemburgo. O trabalho, portanto, busca estudar o contexto em que este debate se realizou na esquerda brasileira durante o período militar. Por fim, o presente estudo buscou também contribuir com a reconstituição histórica de alguns fatos relevante relacionados à ação política do PCBR durante o período militar.
Resumo:
o estudo pretende contribuir para a análise da realidade brasileira, através do caso do Estado do Espírito Santo, no período compreendido entre 1946 a 1980, tentando demonstrar a dependência financeira dos governos estaduais refletida na perda de receitas próprias e da necessária autonomia para a sua utilização. Numa visão retrospect.iva observa-se uma excessiva tendência à centralização manifestada pelo federalismo brasileiro, principalmente, depois da Reforma Tribut.ária de 1967, que estabeleceu um rigoroso controle da União sobre as receitas tributárias e sobre a ação dos Estados- membros, reduzindo sua autonomia em matéria de legislação tributária. A centralização financeira e política fez com que os go- . , . vernos estaduais perdessem 8S prerrogativasanteriorrnente adquiridas e tivessem limitada sua autonomia em;matéria de politica fiscal. Tentou-se compensar a acentuada redução das receitas tributárias estaduais lnstituindo- se o mecanismo das transferências que, a despeito de suas funç5es redIstributi vas, impõe uma série de exig§ncias e determinações para a sua aplicação. A partir dessa constataç50 passa-se a analisar a política fiscal no Estado do Espírito Santo observando-se as administrações estaduais nesse período. Cheg~-se à conclusão de que as sucessivas crises financeiras ocorridas limitaram a formulação de uma política fiscal estadual. Com isso, constat3-se que os estados passaram a ser rneros agentes administrativos reproduzindo as decis5es maiores formuladas pelo governo federal. Em linhas gerais, tentou-se comprovar a dependência fi--
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O brincar é uma atividade construtiva através da qual a criança elabora a sua percepção do mundo e, conseqUentemente, a estruturação de sua personalidade. Os brinquedos podem ser utilizados como instrumentos de criação, quando permitem ã criança liberar suas fantasias, ou de dominação, ao reforçarem a reprodução de idéias, valores e papéis sociais. ~ preciso conhecer o universo circundante da criança: a família e a sociedade na qual ela vive, para se poder avaliar os brinquedos que são colocados no mercado, o comportamento dos pais em relação ao brincar da criança e a opção de escolha que os pais fazem ao presentearem os filhos com brinquedos. Atualmente, a sociedade coloca ã disposição da criança brinquedos que trazem em si mensagens que reforçam condutas sociais, atuando, desde cedo, no estabelecimento de um modo de pensar tipicamente capitalista. O objetivo é desenvolver nas brincadeiras um tipo de "modelização do comportamento" da criança que é, ao mesmo tempo, lúdico e semiótico. Para melhor entender "as regras deste jogo", as características da sociedade foram examinadas com base nas categorias marxistas: trabalho, alienação e mercadoria. Na tentativa de se interpretar esta versão do "brincar da criança" utilizou-se, ainda, os referenciais tempo, simulacro, publicidade e consumo. Este com destaque, por ser a base de sustentação da sociedade capitalista. Consumir passou a ser um imperativo do nosso tempo. Todas são capturados: homens, mulheres e crianças. O desejo é a matéria-prima geradora de consumo. ~ ele que conduz o homem na sua busca incessante pelo objeto ideal. O desejo pode ser visto como formação de uma carência, constituída nos primeiros anos de vida da criança, que arrasta o indivíduo numa procura in[indivel (visão psicanalítica), ou como produção coletiva do homem, processo de ruptura do sistema que o oprime, de acordo com Deleuze e Guattari. A "apropriação" do desejo da criança através do brinquedo é, certamente, um instrumento poderoso, que leva não só à exploração do consumo mas, principalmente, a uma subjetividade construída sob valores que estão voltados, unicamente, para a economia de mercado.
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A dissertação procura analisar o conceito de poder numa perspectiva de questionamento da Psicologia Social notadamente com respeito à relevância de seus achados para a sociedade e à vinculação de suas formulações com a estrutura social vigente. Verifica-se a polissemia do conceito, pertencente a diferentes níveis do conhecimento e possuindo um referencial empírico ampliado, o que por sua vez gera divergências em sua conceituação. Tendo seu lugar de demarcação nas relações interpessoais, intra e intergrupais, organizacionais e de classe, seu significado mescla-se ao de termos como influência, controle, autoridade, dominação, que são muitas vezes intercambiáveis num determinado texto. Seu exercício caracteriza a relação de dominação-subordinação e é visto como decorrente da posse de recursos, implicando em resistência por parte dos subordinados e em sua percepção como beneficiador unicamente de seu detentor. Entende-se como um esforço da Psicologia Social em prol da manutenção da ordem social seus trabalhos visando elaborar novas formas de manipulação dos conflitos consequentes ao exercício do poder. Enquanto a visão desta disciplina é eminentemente psicológica, desvinculada do contexto social, em Ciências Políticas e Sociologia o conceito insere-se numa reflexão sobre a macro-estrutura sem, contudo, dispensar a utilização de variáveis psicológicas. Motivações e habilidades do detentor do poder e valores, percepções e expectativas do elemento subordinado são fatores presentes nas diferentes reflexões analisadas, tanto nas oriundas da Psicologia quanto na integracionista, na elitista, na pluralista e na da troca, ausentando-se somente da marxista que recorta o conceito de poder no campo das lutas de classe.
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This work aims to analyze the interpretations about Evo Morales' government in Bolivia. For such, it proposes a theoretical reclaim of Marxism in Latin America, as well as of Bolivian political history since the 1952 Revolution, going through the crisis in Pacted Democracy intensified in the five-year conjuncture of struggles started in 2000 up to the election and reelection of Morales. It departs from an empirical prior conjecture taken from a qualitative analysis and a broad literature review to analyze the different interpretations of the Bolivian political process from Marxist theoretical matrices. After this historical recovery and this reading of contemporary Bolivia, it concludes with a consideration about the formation of a possible new block of power in the country, with the retaking of nationalism and Indianism as revolutionary reasons
Resumo:
The aim of this study is the labour market at Natal Metropolitan Region with emphasis in occupations and incomes that took place at the nineties. The definition of its chronological boundaries passed by verification of existence of evident socio-spatial impacts for output, occupation and income in national economy, with rebounds in all national territory, conditioned by institutional and socio-economical transformations which marked Brazilian insertion to capital flows and commodities globalization movement that took place at the cited decade. It has been shown that such impacts did not distributed themselves equally between diverse spatial levels (great regions, federate unities, municipalities) because of historical specificities in each place in terms of output structures and organization of distinct social agents. Having as its basis the Marxist perspective, it tackled theoretically occupations and incomes, transformations in labour universe occurred at world level, mainly in most urbanized areas, and following that to focus changes occurred in Brazilian society related to the search for competitive insertion in global economy during the period regarded. Special attention was gave to Natal Metropolitan Region, because it was historically a concentration area for investments, productive structure, people, occupations and incomes generated/appropriated in Rio Grande do Norte State. The basic data sources for research were the demographic Census (micro data) made by the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) intending to present the structure and the labour market dynamics, having as basis: 1) traditional indicators about labour market; 2) sectors of economic activities and 3) social positions and classes segments. One of the purposes is the demonstration that occupations and incomes keep relation with the restructuring which occurred in each specific sector during the period. Other purpose is to make explicit the factors which bear the participation of distinct segments in production or service execution that make possible the different participation in income distribution. Results are revealing the increasin precariousness in labour market, enlargement of occupations in tertiary sector and greater concentration of average incomes in the social segments which were owners of the greatest capital allowances between residents in Natal Metropolitan Region during the nineties
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This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger
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The literary critic Terry Eagleton obtained notoriety in academic circles when he was recognized intellectually for his bestselling book Literary Theory: An Introduction. In this book, the English author boldly proposes the end of literature and literary criticism. However, Eagleton proposed years before, in his book Criticism and Ideology (1976), a scientific system of analysis of literary texts, which seemed less radical, both in theory and in method, than in his later theoretical proposal. Based on this, the objective of this dissertation is to present the English literary critic´s initial method, explaining the reasons that led him to abandon his initial project - of develop a method of analysis of the literary text on a Marxist scientific perspective - and to propose, in the following years, in his most famous book and others, a revolutionary vision that would go beyond textual analysis and make literary texts have a practical intervention in society. Finally, we explain what would be his idea of revolutionary criticism
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Health policies in Brazil, the decentralization of SUS management responsibilities for the three spheres of government has driven the creation and regulation of the audits of health services in the National Audit Office, this is a trend of neoliberal policies imposed by international bodies like the World Bank and IMF to peripheral countries characterized by productive restructuring and reforming the state focuses on the presence of two competing projects in the area of health: Health Sector Reform Project which is based on the democratic rule of law with the assumption of health as social right and duty of the State in defending the extension of the conquest of rights and democratization of access to health care guaranteed through the public financing strategies and the effective decentralization of decisions pervaded by social control and privatized Health Project which is based on the state minimum, with a reduction in social spending or in partnerships and privatization, stronger nonprofit sector, subject to capitalist interests, is made effective through strategies targeting health policy and refilantropização actions. In this context, the present study is an analysis on the work of social audits of public health in infants from a qualitative and quantitative approach, embodied by the critical method of dialectical Marxist social theory that enabled us to unveil the characterization, the demands, challenges and outline the profile of Social Work in teams inserted audits of SUS in RN, but also provided evidence to demonstrate the prospects and possibilities of this area of activity of social workers. It was also found that through the audit work that the state fulfill its role as bureaucratic and regulator of health services with efficiency, effectiveness and economy. Yet, paradoxically, the audits of SUS may provide a vehicle for enforcing rights and ensuring the fundamental principles contained in the project of health reform, because it can be configured in a space of political struggle as representing a new field of knowledge production that needs to be appropriate for a theoretical critic able to redirect the social interests in favor of the user. From this perspective, it is concluded that the work of social audits of public health in infants despite the social relevance that prints, as they constitute an activity study of reality and its transformation proposition requires a transformative political action guided the discussion Marxist theory holds that the ethical project professional politician of Social Work
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Unveiling the link between the Social Services and the Judiciary is the object of this work, since the judiciary is constituted as one of the socio-occupational areas of the profession in the sphere of the state, seize the demands placed on professionals which work becomes relevant , considering that these are embody the multiple expressions of social issues, constituting a challenge to social work, while influencing the contributions that the profession has engendered in the defense and expansion rights. It constitutes an analysis from the standpoint of theoretical and methodological basis Qualiquantitative taking for granted the rights violations against children and adolescents in their social, legal and historical guide to the topic. For this we used a theoretical Marxist Behring (2009), Colman (2008), Faleiros (2205), Faria (1999, 2001), Fávaro (2007, 2008), Iamamoto (1985, 1992, 2002, 2006, 2007) Yazbek, Marx (1983), Netto (1994), Nicholas (1984), Pequeno (2009), Rizinni (1997, 2008), Santos (2009), Sales (2006), Telles (1999), Tonet (2009), among others. Besides literature, empirical research conducted through semi-structured interviews using a script and written records and systematic observation / free during interviews. The subjects were 06 social workers from the area of the judiciary to act on Justice for Children and Youth, Family Court and NOADE in Natal / RN. The research aims to analyze the demands and challenges of Social Services and their contribution in ensuring and enforcing rights in courts nowadays. The route established between knowledge and method involves conceptual analysis on the Judiciary, Social Services, and Child and Adolescent Rights. Seize-up in this study the existing contradictions in confronting the multiple expressions of social issues in the context of the judiciary. The research allowed us to identify relevant aspects regarding the challenges and demands placed Social Service; limits on defense and expansion of their rights and contradictions within sociojurídico. For being one of the judiciary institutions that comprise the system warranty rights, social workers also face difficulties in implementing the professional doing since the ills posed by current sociability capital focus in everyday spaces socio-occupational presented here. On the other hand, is commendable acting those protagonists who believe, defend and contribute to the defense and expansion rights
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Acompanha-se, aqui, a pertinência do lema de Engels, que concebe o marxismo como herdeiro do idealismo alemão nas teorias de Lukács, Horkheimer e Adorno. Enquanto Lukács assenta o método marxista na vertente da filosofia hegeliana e Horkheimer assume explicitamente o legado kantiano, Adorno não se propõe a ser herdeiro, mas sim crítico do idealismo alemão.
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O objetivo do ensaio é expor a alienação/estranhamento como o problema crucial do nosso tempo histórico, buscando salientar os significados do conceito de autotranscendência positiva da alienação, considerada por István Meszáros, como sendo o eixo da reflexão marxiana nos Manuscritos econômico-filosóficos. Para tanto, discorre sobre o novo registro histórico da Aufhebung nas condições da crise estrutural do capital e a vigência do capitalismo global como capitalismo manipulatório. Aborda a centralidade ontológica da problemática da vida cotidiana e o estranhamento na perspectiva da crítica radical do trabalho. Finalmente, coloca elementos para refletir, na perspectiva do marxismo radical, sobre a transição como sendo o problema de produção dos sujeitos humanos, capazes da autotranscendência positiva da alienação.