Population, social equity and changing production patterns

Includes bibliography

Quality of life: a compendium of social statistics of five Caribbean countries (1995-2001)

Includes bibliography

Serviço social e educação: interfaces de uma atuação política

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

A nova política de habitação de interesse social no Pará (2007-2010): avanços e limites

A presente dissertação realiza um reflexão acerca dos avanços e limites da nova Política de Habitação de Interesse Social no Pará, no período de 2007 a 2010, identificando os principais obstáculos que se apresentam para sua implementação neste Estado, considerando especificamente a atuação dos diversos níveis do Poder Público. Entende-se que a instituição do Sistema Nacional da Habitação de Interesse Social pode ser considerada um avanço para a política nacional, resultado da trajetória e do acúmulo dos movimentos ligados à discussão da Reforma Urbana no país, apresentando um novo arranjo institucional, baseado no fortalecimento da pactuação federativa e maior participação e controle social, em que se verifica ainda maior aporte de recursos federais e ampliação da atuação do Governo Estadual. Nesse sentido, o trabalho analisa mais particularmente as estratégias de descentralização adotadas pela recente política, bem como os resultados alcançados principalmente pelas administrações municipais paraenses, no tocante ao acesso aos recursos federais e execução de ações neste setor. A pesquisa bibliográfica aborda a questão habitacional e urbana, Estado e políticas sociais, descentralização de políticas sociais, política habitacional no Brasil e no Pará e urbanização na Amazônia, com foco no Pará. Foram ainda realizadas pesquisa documental e entrevistas com representantes do Governo Federal, Estadual e Municipais, bem como representantes de movimentos sociais e populares. Os resultados apontam que, para além dos avanços na estruturação de um sistema nacional e da conquista de importantes espaços de participação no nível federal, as estratégias de descentralização ainda se apresentam de maneira frágil, o que pode representar um limite ao processo de consolidação do SNHIS.

O processo de gestão de políticas públicas na perspectiva de ruptura social no município de Alterosa - experiência política gestão 1992 a 2005

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

Teoria e prática no serviço social: subsídios para a reflexão sobre o exercício profissional do assistente social

Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

Policy Contexts of Social Work in Britain: the wider implications of 'New' Labour and the 'New Legal Regime'

Several commentators have expressed disappointment with New Labour's apparent adherence to the policy frameworks of the previous Conservative administrations. The employment orientation of its welfare programmes, the contradictory nature of the social exclusion initiatives, and the continuing obsession with public sector marketisation, inspections, audits, standards and so on, have all come under critical scrutiny (c.f., Blyth 2001; Jordan 2001; Orme 2001). This paper suggests that in order to understand the socio-economic and political contexts affecting social work we need to examine the relationship between New Labour's modernisation project and its insertion within an architecture of global governance. In particular, membership of the European Union (EU), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Trade Organisation (WTO) set the parameters for domestic policy in important ways. Whilst much has been written about the economic dimensions of 'globalisation' in relation to social work rather less has been noted about the ways in which domestic policy agenda are driven by multilateral governance objectives. This policy dimension is important in trying to respond to various changes affecting social work as a professional activity. What is possible, what is encouraged, how things might be done, is tightly bounded by the policy frameworks governing practice and affected by those governing the lives of service users. It is unhelpful to see policy formulation in purely national terms as the UK is inserted into a network governance structure, a regulatory framework where decisions are made by many countries and organisations and agencies. Together, they are producing a 'new legal regime', characterised by a marked neo-liberal policy agenda. This paper aims to demonstrate the relationship of New Labour's modernisation programme to these new forms of legality by examining two main policy areas and the welfare implications they are enmeshed in. The first is privatisation, and the second is social policy in the European Union. Examining these areas allows a demonstration of how much of the New Labour programme can be understood as a local implementation of a transnational strategy, how parts of that strategy produce much of the social exclusion it purports to address, and how social welfare, and particularly social work, are noticeable by their absence within policy discourses of the strategy. The paper details how the privatisation programme is considered to be a crucial vehicle for the further development of a transnational political-economy, where capital accumulation has been redefined as 'welfare'. In this development, frameworks, codes and standards are central, and the final section of the paper examines how the modernisation strategy of the European Union depends upon social policy marked by an employment orientation and risk rationality, aimed at reconfiguring citizen identities.The strategy is governed through an 'open mode of coordination', in which codes, standards, benchmarks and so on play an important role. The paper considers the modernisation strategy and new legality within which it is embedded as dependent upon social policy as a technology of liberal governance, one demonstrating a new rationality in comparison to that governing post-Second World War welfare, and which aims to reconfigure institutional infrastructure and citizen identity.

Different levels of policy change: A comparison between the public discussion on social security in Sweden and in Finland

The deep economic recession that hit Sweden and Finland at the beginning of the 90s, and the fall in public revenues and rapidly growing public debts that followed on it, triggered a development of cutbacks and restructuring measures which has resulted in a scientific debate over what this has meant for these countries’ systems of social policy, traditionally resting on the Nordic welfare state paradigm. In this connection, questions of to what extent changes made can be ascribed mainly to the economic constraints posed by the recession at all, or rather, to other more long-term societal trends or phenomena, including globalisation, European integration and/or ideational or ideological shifts among influential (elite) groups, have often been touched upon. Applying an ideas-centred approach, this paper attempts to contribute to the knowledge on the reasoning of influential elite societal groups in social policy issues before, during and after the 90’s recession, by empirically analysing their statements on social security made in the press. A distinction is made between three different levels of proposed policy changes, reaching from minor alterations of single programs to changes of the policy paradigm. Results show that the 1990s did not only mean the emergence of suggestions for minor cutbacks in and alterations of prevailing programmes. The share of suggestions implying de facto a (further) departure from the basic features of the social security system also showed that the model was under continuous pressure throughout the 90s. However, many of the changes suggested were not justified by any clear references to a policy paradigm in either country (or not justified at all). Instead, references to “purely” structural justifications did become more common over time. In this respect, as regards social security, our results cannot confirm the fairly popular notion among many researchers of a clearly ideological attack on the welfare state. However, it remains uncertain whether and to what extent the increased proportion of references to “structural realities” in the 90s should be interpreted as an indication of a change in the idea of what the welfare state is and what the goals behind it are. Results further show that the patterns of the discussion in the two countries studied bore a remarkable resemblance at a general level, whereas there are indications of differences in the driving forces behind suggestions for similar reforms in these two countries.

Social Support Quality in Internet Based Information and Communication: From "Digital Divide" to "Voice Divide"

National and international studies demonstrate that the number of teenagers using the inter-net increases. But even though they actually do have access from different places to the in-formation and communication pool of the internet, there is evidence that the ways in which teenagers use the net - regarding the scope and frequency in which services are used as well as the preferences for different contents of these services - differ significantly in relation to socio-economic status, education, and gender. The results of the regarding empirical studies may be summarised as such: teenager with low (formal ) education especially use internet services embracing 'entertainment, play and fun' while higher educated teenagers (also) prefer intellectually more demanding and particularly services supplying a greater variety of communicative and informative activities. More generally, pedagogical and sociological studies investigating "digital divide" in a dif-ferentiated and sophisticated way - i.e. not only in terms of differences between those who do have access to the Internet and those who do not - suggest that the internet is no space beyond 'social reality' (e.g. DiMaggio & Hargittai 2001, 2003; Vogelgesang, 2002; Welling, 2003). Different modes of utilisation, that structure the internet as a social space are primarily a specific contextualisation of the latter - and thus, the opportunities and constraints in virtual world of the internet are not less than those in the 'real world' related to unequal distribu-tions of material, social and cultural resources as well as social embeddings of the actors involved. This fact of inequality is also true regarding the outcomes of using the internet. Empirical and theoretical results concerning forms and processes of networking and commu-nity building - i.e. sociability in the internet, as well as the social embeddings of the users which are mediated through the internet - suggest that net based communication and infor-mation processes may entail the resource 'social support'. Thus, with reference to social work and the task of compensating the reproduction of social disadvantages - whether they are medial or not - the ways in which teenagers get access to and utilize net based social sup-port are to be analysed.

An analysis of Texas's school based HPV vaccine mandate: A public health risk communication failure: HPVETO!

Genital human papillomavirus (HPV) is of public health concern because persistent infection with certain HPV types can cause cervical cancer. In response to a nationwide push for cervical cancer legislation, Texas Governor Rick Perry bypassed the traditional legislative process and issued an executive order mandating compulsory HPV vaccinations for all female public school students prior to their entrance in the sixth grade. By bypassing the legislative process Governor Perry did not effectively mitigate the risk perception issues that arose around the need for and usefulness of the vaccine mandate. This policy paper uses a social policy paradigm to identify perception as the key intervening factor on how the public responds to risk information. To demonstrate how the HPV mandate failed, it analyzes four factors, economics, politics, knowledge and culture, that shape perception and influence the public's response. By understanding the factors that influence the public's perception, public health practitioners and policy makers can more effectively create preventive health policy at the state level. ^

Social determinants of sexual satisfaction in Spain considered from the gender perspective

Aims: To describe gender- and social class-related inequalities in sexual satisfaction and analyze their relationship with self-perceived health status. Methods: This population-based, cross-sectional study included 7384 sexually active people aged 16 years and over residing in Spain in 2009 (3951 men and 3433 women). The explanatory variables were gender, age, social class, share in performing domestic tasks, spend time looking after oneself, collaborate economically in supporting the family, caring for children, self-perceived health status, and the desire to increase or decrease frequency of having sexual relations. Bivariate and multivariate logistic regression models were fitted. Results: Among women, sexual satisfaction declines progressively after age 45. Sexual satisfaction is 1.7 times higher among women who look after themselves and who feel good compared with those who do not. The odds of wanting to increase sex is 3.3 times higher for women who are satisfied compared with women who desire a lower frequency of sexual intercourses; and good perceived health was associated with sexual satisfaction. In satisfied men, the corresponding odds is 1.9 times that of men desiring to reduce their frequency of sex. Conclusions: Gender and social class inequalities are found in sexual satisfaction. This is associated with perceived health status, adding evidence in support of the World Health Organization definition of sexual health.

Incidencia e influencia de las políticas en el cambio social: responsabilidad de las trabajadoras sociales e implicaciones para su educación teórica y práctica

La incidencia en las políticas sociales es una importante función profesional de las trabajadoras sociales que precisa ser integrada en la educación teórica y práctica en Trabajo Social. Este artículo indaga sobre los fundamentos de esta función de incidencia en los cambios sociales promoviendo políticas sociales que reconozcan los derechos humanos. Partiendo de los referentes internacionales del trabajo social, se analiza el caso de España teniendo en cuenta los códigos deontológicos, los planes de estudio en Trabajo Social, la práctica profesional y los nuevos Grados en Trabajo Social. Se concluye planteando interrogantes sobre el grado de responsabilidad y de implicación de las universidades y Colegios profesionales en coherencia con los principios y valores del Trabajo Social.

How Social is European Integration? Bruges European Economic Policy (BEEP) Briefing 18/2007

The social dimension of the internal market or of the EU more generally has recently been under quite fundamental attack. Calls for 'Europe' to be 'more social' have been heard repeatedly. Witness the polarized debates about the services directive, the anxieties concerning several ECJ cases about what limitations of the free movement of workers (posted or not) are justified or the assertion of a 'neo-liberal agenda' in Brussels disregarding or eroding the social dimension. This BEEP Briefing paper takes an analytical approach to these issues and to the possible 'framing' involved. Such an analysis reveals a very different picture than the negative framing in such debates has it: there is nothing particular 'a-social' about the internal market or the EU at large. This overall conclusion is reached following five steps. First, several 'preliminaries' of the social dimension have to be kept in mind (including the two-tier regulatory & expenditure structure of what is too loosely called 'social Europe' ) and this is only too rarely done or at best in partial, hence misleading, ways. Second, the social acquis at EU and Member States' levels is spelled out, broken down into four aspects (social spending; labour market regulation; industrial relations; free movements & establishment). Assessing the EU acquis in the light of the two levels of powers shows clearly that it is the combination of the two levels which matters. Member States and e.g. labour unions do not want the EU level to become deeply involved ( with some exceptions) and the actual impact of free movement and establishment is throttled by far-reaching host-country control and the requirement of a 'high level of social protection' in the treaty. Third, six anxieties about the social dimension of the internal market are discussed and few arguments are found which are attributable to the EU or its weakening social dimension. Fourth, another six anxieties are discussed emerging from the socio-economic context of the social dimension of the EU at large. The analysis demonstrates that, even if these anxieties ought to be taken serious, the EU is hardly or not the culprit. Fifth, all this is complemented by a number of other facts or arguments strengthening the case that the EU social dimension is fine.

The Case for a European Social Union. European Policy Brief No. 23, March 2014

This Policy Brief discusses the notion of a ‘European Social Union’, in which European countries would cooperate with an explicit social purpose. A European Social Union should not be seen as an idealistic bridge too far. Instead, a Social Union is both desirable and necessary for the eurozone and wider European integration.

Social Investment and State Capacity. CEPS Working Document No. 419/February 2016

This paper looks at the difference between the levels and nature of social policy expenditure in northern and northwest European countries and the countries of southern, central, and eastern Europe, and examines the relationship between social investment and state capacity in these country groupings. The authors show that southern and eastern countries have a much greater preference for ‘compensating’ rather than ‘capacitating’ social policy spending. Furthermore, the state capacity in these countries is lower, which generates less state revenue. Based on these observations they conclude that low state capacity and low state revenue go hand in hand with the preference for capacitating social policies, as these policies involve less delegation and discretion than social investment policies. This paper shows that high state capacity is probably a necessary precondition for effective social investment policies, although some limited alternative paths do exist.