The Superagency Solution

In many parts of the country, hydraulic fracturing has brought energy development onto people’s doorsteps. Efforts by local governments to employ traditional land use mechanisms to study and mitigate some of the impacts of these latest intrusions have erupted into battles over the scope of statewide agencies’ control. Forgotten in this fray are many renewable energy resources. As a general rule, they are not subject to statewide oversight, and consequently renewable energy providers must navigate the myriad of siting and permitting requirements of local jurisdictions. For several years, scholars have urged more statewide renewable energy siting procedures to level the playing field. California is the national leader in renewable energy deployment, yet its statewide energy commission does not have jurisdiction over the siting of photovoltaic solar or wind energy plants. This article explores when statewide siting is beneficial and when it may be contraindicated, making a case for consolidation of all large-scale siting under the purview of California’s “superagency,” the California Energy Commission.

Fracking/Takings

As the use of fracking has spread during the recent oil and gas boom, inevitable conflicts have arisen between industry and its neighbors, particularly as fracking has moved into densely populated urban and suburban areas. Concerned over the impacts of fracking – such as risks to health and safely, diminished property values, air and water pollution, as well as noise, traffic, and other annoyances – many people have demanded a government response. Government regulation of fracking has struggled to catch up, although in recent years many state and local governments have taken steps to reduce the impacts of fracking in their communities. This article focuses on government restrictions in New York and Colorado, two of the key battlegrounds in the fight over fracking. New York recently prohibited fracking across the entire state, after several towns had enacted their own bans. In Colorado, the people have used the ballot initiative process to enact restrictions on fracking directly. The industry has responded not only with public relations spending to improve the fracking’s damaged reputation, but also legal challenges to these efforts to rein in oil and gas development. In addition to suing local governments, often arguing they do not have authority to regulate fracking, industry threatens to bring costly takings claims for compensation due to alleged economic harms. This Article examines the numerous legal and factual issues that should make it difficult for industry to succeed on fracking/takings claims. First, regulation of fracking, even including outright bans, can almost always be defended as necessary to prevent a nuisance or other background principle of law that justifies government regulation. Even if a nuisance defense could be overcome, industry would have difficulty proving that regulation has destroyed all economic value in their property, unless courts take a narrow view of property that would highlight the arbitrary nature of the “denominator problem.” When fracking/takings claims are considered under the default balancing of the Penn Central case, takings are unlikely to be found except in rare outlier cases. Finally, because requiring governments to pay compensation in fracking/takings cases would likely create a windfall for industry, particularly if the oil and gas eventually is extracted in the future, courts should resist the temptation to rule against government restrictions to protect public health, safety, and the environment.

Trends and Disparities in Mortality Among Spanish-Born and Foreign-Born Populations Residing in Spain, 1999–2008

Spain’s immigrant population has increased 380 % in the last decade, accounting for 13.1 % of the total population. This fact has led her to become during 2009 the eighth recipient country of international immigrants in the world. The aim of this article is to describe the evolution of mortality and the main causes of death among the Spanish-born and foreign-born populations residing in Spain between 1999 and 2008. Age-standardised mortality rates (ASRs), average age and comparative mortality ratios among foreign-born and Spanish-born populations residing in Spain were computed for every year and sub-period by sex, cause of death and place of birth as well as by the ASR percentage change. During 1999–2008 the ASR showed a progressive decrease in the risk of death in the Spanish-born population (−17.8 % for men and −16.6 % for women) as well as in the foreign-born one (−45.9 % for men and −35.7 % for women). ASR also showed a progressive decrease for practically all the causes of death, in both populations. It has been observed that the risk of death due to neoplasms and respiratory diseases among immigrants is lower than that of their Spanish-born counterparts, but risk due to external causes is higher. Places of birth with the greater decreases are Northern Europe, Eastern Europe, Western Europe, Southern Europe, and Latin America and the Caribbean. The research shows the differences in the reduction of death risk between Spanish-born and immigrant inhabitants between 1999 and 2008. These results could contribute to the ability of central and local governments to create effective health policy. Further research is necessary to examine changes in mortality trends among immigrant populations as a consequence of the economic crisis and the reforms in the Spanish health system. Spanish data sources should incorporate into their records information that enables them to find out the immigrant duration of permanence and the possible impact of this on mortality indicators.

The Ontario-Manitoba Boundary Dispute

The powers of the General Government are so much greater than those of the United States in its relations with the Local Governments, that the central power must win. The next quarter century was marked by struggle, or rather a series of struggles, between the Dominion Government and those of the various provinces with as a general rule contrary to Macdonal's expectations, the latter proving successful. Ontario was the most consistent opponent of centralizing tendencies; her most notably victory was scored in what is known as the Ontario-Manitoba Boundary Dispute. It is out intention to deal with this question primarily as a phase of post-Confederation politics.

Svodboda party - the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene. OSW Commentary No. 56, 2011-07-04

Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing increase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist movements, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will become a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. This may cause tension in Polish-Ukrainian relations, where they are affected by decisions made by local governments controlled by the Svoboda Party.

The debt, the stock market and the state-owned enterprises. The sources of chaos on the Chinese financial markets. OSW Commentary NUMBER 201/16.03.2016

The government’s extensive programme for stimulating the economy has enabled China to maintain high economic growth after the global financial crisis in 2008. However, this success has come at the price of a number of negative economic phenomena and the consequences they have had are the major challenge for the government today. The vast programme of investments in infrastructure, construction and fixed assets, which has been the main source of economic growth over the past few years, has caused a rapid increase in China’s debt from 158% of GDP in 2007 to 282% in 2014. Along with the local governments in charge of implementing the programme, the Chinese sector of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) has been heavily burdened by the stimulation policy. The sector’s profitability has fallen, its indebtedness has increased and management problems have been revealed.

Rotas federativas para a promoção de capacidades estatais municipais: uma análise da experiência brasileira

Esta tese discute como o federalismo brasileiro promoveu, entre 1997 e 2014, iniciativas voltadas a desenvolver capacidades estatais nos municípios. Este tema foi retomado na agenda federal no primeiro governo Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1998), prosseguiu nas duas gestões Lula (2003-2010) e, finalmente, no primeiro mandato de Dilma Rousseff (2011-2014). A descentralização de políticas iniciadas em 1998 constitui o contexto político e institucional que, diante das novas atribuições assumidas pelos municípios, demandam modernizar a sua gestão. Apresenta-se de que forma evolui a qualificação gerencial e administrativa nos municípios para situar que o desafio do federalismo cooperativo brasileiro possui para apoiar esses entes. A pesquisa foi organizada em três dimensões teóricas e analisou cinco casos. A primeira dimensão trata da cooperação por meio de arranjos de cooperação territorial, tendo o Comitê de Articulação Federativa (CAF), criado em 2003, como objeto de análise, pois reuniu representantes do governo federal e do municipalismo. Uma de suas áreas de ação foi o desenvolvimento de capacidades estatais municipais. A segunda dimensão aborda a cooperação federativa por meio de sistemas de políticas públicas. Comparou-se o Sistema Único de Assistência Social (SUAS), criado em 2005, como a área da educação, que é desprovida desse tipo de arranjo intergovernamental sistêmico. Na educação a análise recai sobre o Plano de Ações Articuladas (PAR), que foi instituído em 2007. O SUAS possui uma ampla legislação e normatização voltada para os entes municipais nas quais se destacam exigências de modernização dos órgãos que localmente respondem por essa política. O objetivo é comparar se sistemas de políticas são mais eficazes para promover capacidades estatais que outras modalidades de relações federativas. A terceira dimensão teórica diz respeito aos programas federais criados para apoiar a qualificação das gestões municipais. Foram selecionados dois programas: o Programa de Modernização da Administração Tributária e da Gestão de Setores Sociais Básicos (PMAT), administrado pelo BNDES desde 1997, e o Programa Nacional de Apoio à Modernização Administrativa e Fiscal dos Municípios Brasileiros (PNAFM), gerenciado pelo Ministério da Fazenda e Caixa Econômica Federal desde 2001. A análise das três dimensões mostra que, com base na experiência comparada em nível internacional e na literatura sobre federalismo e relações intergovernamentais que, diante da forma como se organizou a cooperação territorial e a implantação de programas federais no Brasil, essas duas modalidades não são rotas viáveis para apoiar a modernização das gestões municipais. A pesquisa concludes que um sistema nacional e articulado de políticas, tanto por razões teóricas como empíricas, é o tipo de institucionalidade de cooperação federativa mais adequado para promover capacidades estatais municipais em realidades como a brasileira. Nessa linha, finaliza-se a Tese propondo um modelo analítico que considera sistemas articulados de políticas como o formato mais adequado para lidar com esse desafio federativo em um contexto caracterizado pela descentralização de políticas, mas que ao mesmo tempo convive com uma enorme heterogeneidade e desigualdade de capacidades estatais entre os governos locais.

Traffic safety facts 2003: a compilation of motor vehicle crash data from the Fatality Analysis Reporting System and the General Estimates System.

Both systems were designed and developed by NHTSA's National Center for Statistics and Analysis (NCSA) to provide an overall measure of highway safety, to help identify traffic safety problems, to suggest solutions, and to help provide an objective basis on which to evaluate the effectiveness of motor vehicle safety standards and highway safety initiatives. Data from these systems are used to answer requests for information from the international and national highway traffic safety communities, including state and local governments, the Congress, Federal agencies, research organizations, industry, the media, and private citizens.

Illinois property tax statistics.

Mode of access: Internet.

Request for proposal : Emergency Shelter Grants Program.

Congress will again appropriate funds under the Stewart B. McKinney Act for the Emergency Shelter Grants Program (ESG). This program is funded through the federal Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). Funds are provided to expand and improve the number and quality of emergency shelters for the homeless, and for homeless prevention activities. The Illinois Department of Commerce and Economic Opportunity (DCEO) is distributing this Request For Proposal, subject to change, based upon comments that may be received during the public hearing process for the Consolidated Plan. Funds are being made available to local governments and/or not-for-profit organizations providing shelter and/or services within the State of Illinois, but outside of Cook County and the City of Chicago. The department is requesting proposals from local governments on behalf of private not-for-profit, tax-exempt organizations or directly from private not-for-profit, organizations serving the homeless. Grants from $10,000 to $75,000 are available to cover expenses incurred between April 1, 2009, and March 31, 2010.

Employee benefits in medium and large private establishments /

Mode of access: Internet.

Regional development rhrough domestic and tourist event policies: Gold Coast and Brisbane 1974-2003

Governments, as key stakeholders in the development of events, produce policies to facilitate the growth and potential of events as a platform for industry and economic development. To date, however, there has been a paucity of research undertaken to determine the appropriateness and the consequences of government policies pertaining to events. This paper studies the event policies of two Australian local government authorities, the Gold Coast City Council and Brisbane City Council, from 1974-2003, as measured by four development paradigms: Modernisation, Dependency, Economic Neoliberalism, and Alternative. The analysis revealed that these policies were predominantly underpinned by the Alternative which has a strong socio-cultural focus. Increased awareness and utilisation of the various development paradigms will assist local governments in producing future event policies to promote growth of the event industry and concomitantly, appropriate development within their region.

Transplanting Anglo-American accounting oversight boards to a diverse institutional context

The introduction of accounting and auditing oversight boards (OBs) has been promoted on a global scale as a key component of the international financial architecture that has emerged over the past two decades. Such institutions, modeled on the Anglo-American tradition, are domestically organized and embedded within distinctively diverse institutional contexts. Their role is to ease agency problems, improve the quality of financial reporting, and help provide stability in the global financial system. We employ an institutional approach, located within the broader political economy framework of global capitalism, to examine the establishment and operation of the new regulatory regime in Greece. Greece, a member of the European Union, exhibits characteristics of a "delegative" democracy, i.e. a traditionally weak institutionalization, reform (in)capacity problems and a clientelistic political system. Our case study shows that the formation and operation of the newly-established system of oversight is conditioned by local political and economic constraints and, thus, does not automatically translate into concrete benefits for the quality of financial reporting. We also draw attention to the structural mismatch between a progressing globalized financial integration and the fragmented nature of the system of oversight, and illustrate that OBs' independence from local governments is an important but neglected issue.

Foreign direct investment and corruption

In the last few decades, the world has witnessed an enormous growth in the volume of foreign direct investment (FDI). The global stock of FDI reached US$ 7.5 trillion in 2003 and accounted for 11% of world Gross Domestic Product, up from 7% in 1990. The sales of multinational enterprises at around US$ 19 trillion were more than double the level of world exports. Substantial FDI inflows went into transition countries. Inflows into one of the region's largest recipient, the Russian Federation, almost doubled, enabling Russia to become one of the five top FDI destinations in 2005-2006. FDI inflows in Russia have increased almost threefold from 13.6% in 2003 to 35% in 2007. In 2003, these flows were twice greater than those into China; whilst in 2007 they were six times larger. Russia's FDI inflows were also about 2.5 times greater than those of Brazil. Efficient government institutions are argued by many economists to foster FDI and growth as a result. However, the magnitude of this effect has yet to be measured. This thesis takes a Political Economy approach to explore, empirically, the potential impact of malfunctioning governmental institutions, proxied by three indices of perceived corruption, on FDI stocks accumulation/distribution within Russia over the period of 2002-2004. Using a regional data-set it concentrates on three areas relating to FDI. Firstly, it considers the significance, the size and the sign of the impact of perceived corruption on accumulation of FDI stocks within Russia. Secondly, it quantifies the impact of perceived corruption on the volume of FDI stocks simultaneously estimating the impact of the investment in public capital such as telecommunications and transportation networks on FDI in the presence of corruption. In particular, it addresses the question whether more corrupt regions in Russia are also those that could have accumulated more of FDI stocks, and investigates whether those 'more corrupt' regions would have had lower level of public capital investment. Finally, it examines whether decentralisation increases or decreases corruption and whether a larger extent of decentralisation has a positive or negative impact on FDI (stocks). The results of three studies are as follows. Firstly, along with market potential, corruption is found to be one of the key factors in explaining FDI distribution within Russia between 2002 and 2004. Secondly, corruption on average is found to be related to FDI positively suggesting that it may act as speed money: to save their time foreign direct investors might be willing to bribe the regional authorities so to move in front of the bureaucratic lines. Thirdly, although when corruption is controlled for, the impact of the latter on unobservable FDI is found to be on average positive, no association between FDI and public investment is observed with the only exception of transportation infrastructure (i.e., railway). The results might suggest therefore that it is possible that not only regions with high levels of perceived corruption attract more FDI but also that expansions in public capital investments are not accompanied by an increase of the volume of FDI (stocks) in regions with high levels of corruption. This casts some doubt on the productivity of the investment in public capital in these regions as it might be that bureaucrats may prefer to use these infrastructural projects for rent extraction. Finally, we find decentralisation to have a significant and positive impact on both FDI stock accumulation and corruption, suggesting that local governments may spend more on public goods to make the area more attractive to foreign investors but at the same time they may be interested into extracting rents from foreign investors. These results support the idea that the regulation of FDI is associated with and facilitated by a larger public sector, which distorts competition and introduces opportunities for rent-seeking by particular economic and political factors.

An empirical investigation of audit pricing in the public sector:the case of Greek LGOs

This paper investigates the associations between audit pricing and multidimensional characteristics of local governments by using a sample of Greek municipalities. The Greek institutional setting is interesting because it is politically pluralistic. Moreover, independent auditors appointed through a bid process exclusively perform the audits. Our results suggest a considerable variation on audit fees which is mainly driven by politically related factors indicating the importance of relevant theoretical anticipations in audit pricing in the public sector. Agency costs appear strong enough to explain audit pricing. We also confirm prior findings on the significance of audit complexity and size. Results also suggest that audit fees are reduced when an internal team dedicated to accrual accounting is appointed. Therefore, our conclusions offer practical implications for policy setters and regulators in the public sector in relation to audit quality.