758 resultados para International relations theory
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A compreensão dos direitos humanos considerados como universais variam ao longo da história, uma vez que as necessidades dos homens e os fatores político, econômico, social e cultural também mudam. O argumento da presente dissertação consiste em destacar a variabilidade da dimensão universal dos direitos dos homens por meio da teoria política, social e das relações internacionais, abordando questões tais como a construção do padrão dos direitos humanos na teoria política, sua institucionalização no plano internacional, a transformação dos tipos de direitos que são considerados como universais, para quem eles são estendidos e a quem seu acesso é restrito. O objetivo é discutir sobre a variabilidade do caráter universal dos direitos humanos como valores, focando na questão das reivindicações de direitos específicos a serem considerados no escopo dos direitos humanos.
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A partir do exame da formação e identificação da norma consuetudinária, consoante os pressupostos da teoria dos dois elementos, investiga-se a índole consuetudinária das intervenções humanitárias no contexto do Direito Internacional Contemporâneo, a fim de verificar se tais práticas estatais teriam se constituído em um costume internacional e, por conseguinte, se elas ampliaram o rol das exceções ao princípio da proibição do uso da força pelos Estados nas relações internacionais esculpido no artigo 2 (4) da Carta das Nações Unidas. Dada a polissemia existente para a expressão intervenção humanitária, esta pode ser compreendida como o recurso à força armada por um Estado, ou grupo de Estados, para além das suas fronteiras, conforme discricionariedade própria, ou seja, sem a autorização do CSNU, com o propósito de cessar práticas em largas escalas, persistentes e generalizadas, comissivas ou omissivas, de graves violações dos Direito Humanos e Internacional Humanitário. A partir da apuração dos elementos que conformam esse conceito estabelecido, do exame dos casos de ocorrência e das justificativas legais apresentadas pelos Estados interventores para essa prática interventiva, conjugado com a reação dos demais Estados à essa conduta, por uma considerável e persistente falta de expresso reconhecimento do caráter de direito para a intervenção humanitária, é possível afirmar que os Estados sucessivamente reafirmaram o reconhecimento do princípio da interdição do uso da força pelos Estados nas suas relações internacionais e, que nos quadros do Direito Internacional contemporâneo, a este tipo de intervenção não é um costume internacional porque carece de opinio iuris.
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null RAE2008
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Suganami, Hidemi, 'Wendt, IR and Philosophy: A Critique', In: 'Constructivism and International Relations: Alexander Wendt and His Critics', (New York: Routledge), pp.57-72, 2006 RAE2008
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Bain, William, 'Are There Any Lessons of History?: The English School and the Activity of Being an Historian', International Politics (2007) 44(5) pp.513-530 RAE2008
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Wheeler, Nicholas. 'The Humanitarian Responsibilities of Sovereignty', In: Humanitarian Intervention and International Relations (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), pp.29-51 RAE2008
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Wheeler, Nicholas, 'Dying for `Enduring Freedom': Accepting Responsibility for Civilian Casualties in the War against Terrorism', International Relations (2002) 16(2) pp.205-225 RAE2008
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W nauce o stosunkach międzynarodowych porządek, czy też ład międzynarodowy, to zbiór podmiotów państwowych i niepaństwowych złączonych wzajemnymi relacjami o różnorodnym charakterze i działających według wspólnie wypracowanych lub narzuconych z zewnątrz reguł. Po zakończeniu zimnej wojny i utracie na znaczeniu ładu jałtańskiego rozgorzała dyskusja nad kształtem jaki ma przybrać ład postzimnowojenny. Z poczynionych rozważań wynika, że polityczny i gospodarczy ład międzynarodowy w najbliższych dekadach będzie wielobiegunowy. Szczególne znaczenie odgrywać w nim będą USA, Chiny , a także Unia Europejska, Japonia, Indie i Brazylia. Obecnie UE odgrywa jedną z najważniejszych ról w budowie ładu międzynarodowego. Widać to zwłaszcza pod względem gospodarczym jako że Unia UE jest obecnie największym światowym eksporterem i drugim (po USA) importerem. Wydaje się jednak, że tradycyjne opisywanie Unii Europejskiej jako przykładu obszaru sukcesu gospodarczego może w najbliższym czasie ulec zmianie. Europa w długiej perspektywie ulegnie marginalizacji jeśli nie wróci do projektów ściślejszej integracji, nie wykorzysta lepiej swojego potencjału intelektualnego i gospodarczego oraz nie przyspieszy rozwoju poprzez stawianie na nowe technologie. Dla podtrzymania swojej pozycji powinna ona aktywniej współpracować z USA, utrzymywać poprawne stosunki z krajami azjatyckimi a także zaangażować się we współpracę z organizacjami między- i pozarządowymi, które w najbliższych latach będą zyskiwać na znaczeniu
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The problem of refugees is a phenomenon characteristic of contemporary international relations. It can take an individual form (as a result of individual persecutions of a racial, religious, national or political character) or the form of mass relocations, especially in the face of military conflicts or general breaching of human rights. The purpose of this paper is to present the refugee question as an international global problem that may appear in any region of the world, impacting the situation of states and societies, that is perceived as both a threat and a fundamental challenge for the entire international community.
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Tese apresentada à Universidade Fernando Pessoa como parte dos requisitos para obtenção do grau de Doutor em Ciências Sociais, especialidade em Relações Internacionais
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In this book, expert energy economists assess the energy policy of thirty-one countries and the role of nuclear power. For many years the shock of Chernobyl took nuclear power off the agenda in most countries. Intense public relations activities by the industry, increasing evidence of climate change and failures to effectively reduce greenhouse gas emissions, have brought nuclear power issues back to the forefront of policy discussion in the nuclear renaissance countries. But some countries are just not prepared to go in that direction and, indeed, are still divesting themselves of their nuclear legacy, the nuclear phase-out countries. And how are nuclear issues being approached in the industrializing countries? An in-depth country-by-country analysis is presented within this framework. Out of such an analysis emerge thematic discussions on, among others, strategy in energy policy; nuclear plant safety, the impacts of nuclear accidents; the adequacy of nuclear power expertise. [Source: publisher's product description].
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Purpose The aim of this paper is to explore the issues involved in developing and applying performance management approaches within a large UK public sector department using a multiple stakeholder perspective and an accompanying theoretical framework. Design/methodology/approach An initial short questionnaire was used to determine perceptions about the implementation and effectiveness of the new performance management system across the organisation. In total, 700 questionnaires were distributed. Running concurrently with an ethnographic approach, and informed by the questionnaire responses, was a series of semi-structured interviews and focus groups. Findings Staff at all levels had an understanding of the new system and perceived it as being beneficial. However, there were concerns that the approach was not continuously managed throughout the year and was in danger of becoming an annual event, rather than an ongoing process. Furthermore, the change process seemed to have advanced without corresponding changes to appraisal and reward and recognition systems. Thus, the business objectives were not aligned with motivating factors within the organisation. Research limitations/implications Additional research to test the validity and usefulness of the theoretical model, as discussed in this paper, would be beneficial. Practical implications The strategic integration of the stakeholder performance measures and scorecards was found to be essential to producing an overall stakeholder-driven strategy within the case study organisation. Originality/value This paper discusses in detail the approach adopted and the progress made by one large UK public sector organisation, as it attempts to develop better relationships with all of its stakeholders and hence improve its performance. This paper provides a concerted attempt to link theory with practice.
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This article compares the processes of foreign policymaking in Greece and Turkey in order to examine why the incentives and pressures of the enlargement process have failed until now to initiate a settlement in the Cyprus bicommunal negotiations. While most studies on the Cyprus problem have focused on the two communities of the island, little at-tention has been paid to the policies of the two â??motherlandsâ??, namely Greece and Turkey. Yet their leverage on the two Cypriot communities and their conflicting expectations with regard to an enlarged Europe in the Eastern Mediterranean constitute a complex security puzzle. The Republic of Cyprus stands as a champion candidate member for the next enlargement, amid fears of Turkish reprisals and hopes for a po-litical settlement on the island. With the benefits of settlement overwhelming the benefits of any other alternative, it is paradoxical that the parties seem to be about to fail to reach a last-minute, mutually beneficial compromise. I try to resolve this paradox by supplementing rational choice theory with cognitivist theories of international relations. While rational choice predicts a direct relationship between external environment and foreign policy shifts, the case of Cyprus suggests that this relationship is actually indirect. Without understanding how the external environment is framed in the domestic political discourse of Greece and Turkey, it is impossible to demonstrate how outside pressure and incentives affect foreign policy shifts.
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We consider here how cultural and socioeconomic dimensions of justice beyond the state are related. First we examine cosmopolitan theories that have drawn on John Rawls's egalitarian liberal framework to argue that a just global order requires substantive, transnational redistribution of material resources. We then assess the view, ironically put forward by Rawls himself, that this perspective is ethnocentric and insufficiently tolerant of non-liberal cultures. We argue that Rawls is right to be concerned about the danger of ethnocentrism, but wrong to assume that this requires us to reject the case for substantive redistribution across state boundaries. A more compelling account of justice beyond the state will integrate effectively socioeconomic and cultural aspects of justice. We suggest that this approach is best grounded in a critical theory of recognition that responds to the damage caused to human relations by legacies of historical injustice.
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This article evaluates Bauer's theory of the nation and the debateon national-cultural autonomy in late imperial Austria. It finds important similarities with contemporary liberal debates on multiculturalism and the rights of ethnic and national minorities. It argues that the debate on national-cultural autonomy went in some respects beyond the contemporary debate on multiculturalism. National-cultural autonomy rejects the idea of the nation-state and proposes instead a multi-nation-state that recognises differential rights for ethnic and national minorities. It seeks to break the limitations of liberal democracy and the territorial principle of the nation-state by organising national communities as deterritorialised national corporations, and multination-states as territorialised non-national identities.