942 resultados para História social, Brasil


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O presente trabalho intitulado O Conselho Tutelar e o direito à educação pretende verificar de que forma através da atuação do Conselho Tutelar se pode ter garantido o direito à educação. A decisão de trabalhar com este tema se deu em primeiro lugar pelo fato de a pesquisadora ter atuado como conselheira tutelar em duas gestões consecutivas do Conselho Tutelar de Rio Claro/SP, no período de 2006 a 2011 (quarta e quinta gestões). Em segundo lugar, embora a atuação do Conselho Tutelar não se restrinja ao atendimento do direito à educação, abrangendo as mais diversas áreas, optou-se por tratar o tema vinculado ao direito à educação por ser um trabalho de conclusão do curso de pedagogia da UNESP/IB e pelo fato de o Conselho Tutelar ser até então pouco explorado no meio acadêmico, principalmente em relação aos encaminhamentos dados à garantia do direito à educação. Em terceiro lugar esta decisão também se baseou no entendimento de que a educação tornou-se um dos requisitos indispensáveis para que os indivíduos tenham acesso ao conjunto de bens e serviços disponíveis na sociedade, constituindo-se em condição necessária para se usufruir de outros direitos constitutivos do estatuto da cidadania (OLIVEIRA, 2002). De modo que no Brasil, a educação é um direito garantido por lei para todos os cidadãos prescrito na Constituição Federal de 1988 (CF/88), sendo que a Lei Federal 8069/90 Estatuto da Criança e do Adolescente (ECA) e a Lei n.º 9.394/96, a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação (LDB/96) ratificam o princípio constitucional. Entretanto devemos levar em conta que nosso país apresenta uma série de desigualdades sociais, econômicas e culturais que dificultam o acesso de parcela considerável da população ao ensino formal. Para podermos tratar deste tema procuramos traçar inicialmente um breve percurso da história social da infância... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo)

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Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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Pós-graduação em Serviço Social - FCHS

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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the Cold War” and the dismantlement of the Walfare State that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the Welfare State, we present, still, that in the case of Spain it provoked consequences in the modus operandi of the formularization process and implementation of public politics. It occurred, in other words, a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the cold war” and the dismantlement of the State of well-being that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

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In this article we draw attention to the fact that the documentation relating to the decision to colonize Brazil, as well as the early stages of colonization, comprising two interpretations about the reasons to occupy, populate and organize the production on American soil. The Brazilian historiography joined the explanation of that pressure from European nations led to the Portuguese crown decided on an occupation more effectively. But without ignoring this reason, the documentation allows to take into account their own historical circumstances created by the development of trade. These are essential conditions for the emergence and effectiveness of the proposal to colonize Brazil. Thus, when considering only the pressure of European nations the Brazilian historiography remained on the surface of events. It’s necessary to take into account the documentation on what it allows to grasp the colonial process as a historical phenomenon and not just as an act of will.

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In this article, we examine the procedure of Brazilian historiography about the debate between Caio Prado Jr. and the Brazilian Communist Party, especially with regard to the relationships of feudal or semi-feudal nature. The historiography put them on opposite sides, considering the intellectual from Sao Paulo from a positive outlook, while the Communist Party is considered from a negative one. However, although distinct, their interpretations of the history of the Brazil make them close in regards to the question of socialism, in that they postpone it to the remote future. Thus, by adopting the procedure of the opposition between both, the historiography fails to consider what really distinguished them.

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In this paper we propose to analyze the relationship established by Fernando Novais with Caio Prado regarding the studies about the colonization. Putting himself as his disciple, Novais exposes his conception of colonization as a deepening means and a way to overcome the way by which the author of Formação do Brasil contemporâneo understood the colonial phenomenon. This way of putting this relationship has been accepted by both the critics and supporters of Novais, thus acquiring certainty of truth. We show in this paper that by rooting his conception of colonization in Prado’s conception, Novais conceived him in a particular way: as an historian of the ‘sense of colonization’. The analysis of Prado’s concept of colonization shows, however, that this is part of his interpretation of the history of Brazil, as a whole. It follows that we can’t isolate one from the other without disturbing the comprehension of Prado’s conception. The result of our text is thus retaking the Prado’s conception in its historicity.

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)